DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.19446

Abstract: The object of the present study is influence of foreign soft power on the Republic of Belarus (RB) as one of the States of the former Soviet Union.   The subject of the study is unique features of the strategies of RB's involvement into the area of their "soft power" influence by such intra- and extra-regional actors of the former Soviet Union as Russia and the European Union (particularly Poland and Lithuania). The author analyzes the peculiarities of projects of the above-mentioned countries (a group of countries) on Belarus’ value and ideology involvement into the orbit of their "soft-power" influence; and subsequently characterizes the tools of such influence. The study uses methods of general logic and methods of international relations science such as historical and comparative. The author also uses method of statistical data procession. The novelty of the study lies in definition of the civilizational and ideological prerequisites for the RB's involvement into the orbit of foreign "soft-power" influence, as well as in identification of the reasons for Russian "soft power" inefficiency with respect to the Belarusian direction, and a certain mechanism for its correction is proposed. The author comes to the conclusion that Belarus is currently in the midst of Russian-European "soft-power" rivalry in a broad sense of the term. However, such a national "soft-power" influence as, for example, by Poland is not congruent with the European one in content and objectives, but represents a separate phenomenon that Russia should take into account. The Russian "soft power" in the Belarusian direction is well institutionalized, but its conceptual content requires updating, on the one hand, due to the current state of relations between the two States and the spiritual and intellectual demands of new generations of Belarusian society, and, on the other hand, because in the current environment the European civilizational and ideological projects constitute a very viable alternative to the Russian world.  

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.26047

Abstract: The object of the study is a multinational Turkic world and international Turkic organizations; the subject is the actions taken by certain countries, particularly the Republic of Turkey, against the Turkic States of the world community. The aim of the study is to identify the reasons which allowed the international Turkic organizations to occupy a significant place in the system of international relations today. The author also considers the most important aspects and history of formation of a new subsystem of modern international relations – the Turkic world; as well as the role of the actors of global processes involved in its establishment. The author provides a brief analysis of the development of Pan-Turkist sentiments in Turkey and gradual extension of these ideas to the territory of the post-Soviet space and the Russian Federation in the 1990s through Turkic organizations and other "soft power" tools, as well as attempts to justify the principles of such Turkish organizations as TIKA and TURKSOY and their main objectives.  The study addressed the principles of cooperation between the Turkic States, as well as with the external players in the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres. The conducted research concludes that the efforts of the Turkish Republic to impose its values are the result of "Neo – Ottomanism" policy, where the Turkic world is used as a means of strengthening its position on the world scene on the road to transformation of the State into a supra-regional power.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.26333

Abstract: The present article explores the theoretical basis of modern regional studies and comparative integration. The article covers the formation of existing integration theories and their peculiar features; fixes the historical dominant of Western European experience in the process of integration theories creation. The author marks out the fundamental differences between the context of Western European integration and regional processes in most other regions of the world; gives a brief description of the liberal intergovernmental approach, its origins, history, and circumstances of its development, and the reasons for its wide applicability. As an example, the article appeals to the experience of regional initiatives of Latin America, their specificity and fundamental principles of functioning, their difference from Western European practice and compliance of Latin American experience with the hypotheses of the liberal intergovernmental approach, explicableness of modern phenomena of Latin American regionalism on its basis. The author draws a conclusion as for applicability of the Liberal Intergovernmental Approach in modern studies of regional organizations as a basic theoretical approach, makes assumptions about its perspective further adaptation, highlights relevance of this direction as well as the theoretical work necessary to understand and systematize the experience of practical research and regional specifics.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.26411

Abstract: The Objective of the study is to analyze the causes of failure of the “The Caucasus stability and cooperation platform”. Despite a number of subjective and objective reasons that influenced the implementation of the Turkish initiative, a specific role should be assigned to  Turkey's bilateral relations with the South Caucasus countries and Russia. The research will make it possible to understand the importance of the above-mentioned factor in failure of Turkish peacekeeping initiatives and to elicit the main reasons for the countries ' distrust of Ankara's regional policy. To study the above objects, the scientific research was based on the principles of historicism and scientific objectivity. In the course of the research the author used the method of comparative analysis of historical events that influenced the theme of the scientific work. The novelty of the scientific work lies in identification of the influence of bilateral relations between Turkey and the countries involved in the new model of regional security. The study will also provide an opportunity to highlight the expectations and concerns of the countries of the South Caucasus, Turkey and Russia about “The Caucasus stability and cooperation platform”.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.26006

Abstract: The article explores new means of international political influence, namely cyber-financial instruments which are a consequence of convergence of traditional financial measures of pressure with the already widespread cyber-space operations. The author raises general issues related to convergence in politics, considers the prerequisites for their emergence, objects, types and advantages of cyber-financial instruments of foreign policies of modern States, highlighting that they allow the actor who decided to use them to remain incognito and not to destroy the beneficial relationships of economic dependence. Pursuant to the goals established, the author refers to a content analysis of specialized scientific literature on relevant topics, a method of classification highlighting the types of cyber financial instruments, as well as to the study of specific situations that confirm the assumptions. The author comes to the conclusion that a number of new instruments of foreign policy influence which can be called cyber-financial instruments are emerging on the background of interpenetration, convergence of financial infrastructure and cyberspace. Increasingly, these are found to be the preferred means of fighting in the global political arena, used directly by States, their unions, and through their proxy actors. Alongside, the use of these tools brings both greater effectiveness of international pressure and new risks and threats.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.21027

Abstract: The subject of the study is current Russian-Chinese relations. The article addresses the process of implementation of the most large-scale joint projects and agreements in the economic sphere. The author highlights special importance of China in the implementation of foreign policy and the economic activity of the Russian Federation, as well as possible threats to Russia associated with the enhancement of the role of China in world politics. The article analyses the areas of possible competition between Russia and China: the competitiveness in Africa, Latin America and other promising regions; it also marks the interdependence of economies of the two countries in the sphere of direct trade, raw materials and financial markets. The research methodology includes a theoretical analysis of the scientific literature and official documents on the problem; a study, generalization and analysis of information on the state of Russian-Chinese relations and possible negative consequences of this cooperation for the Russian Federation. The main conclusions of this article are the following: 1. Currently, Russia is the main priority partner of China. Besides, China occupies a key position in Russia's foreign policy. 2. The current state of Russian-Chinese relations allows us to talk about significant financial benefits derived from the implementation of projects by both countries and the strengthening of the position of the two countries in world politics in the course of this cooperation. 3. There are a lot of threats to the Russian economy from rapprochement with China but these problems can be solved by further diversification and strengthening of their own regional structures.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.25812

Abstract: The subject of this study is the institutional transformation of Russia’s activity in political and economic space of the Asia-Pacific region. The author highlights the factors that hamper the process of integration of Russia into the Asia-Pacific region and, along with them, the aspects of the Federal "Eastern" policy that refract the negative trends of the foreign policy of the State in this area. The number of international forums organized by the Russian side over the past five years is marked as one of the variables of the institutional transformation. The analysis showed that the peak of activation of the "Eastern" foreign policy vector of the Russian Federation comes at a time of the drastic decline in inter-state relations in the "Western" direction. The article uses an extensive primary material selected by the researcher from various sources, which serves as the basis for the system approach with a view to determine the format of the ongoing transformation of the foreign policy vector of the Russian Federation. The author of the study presents several contradictory trends in the process of Russia's integration into the Asia-Pacific region and analyzes the institutions created by Russia and the countries and organizations of the Asia-Pacific region which contribute to entry of the Russian Federation to the largest markets of the fast developing and most populated world region. The article concludes on the changing role of Russia in geo-economic space of the Asia-Pacific region. 

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.25603

Abstract: Could conservative ideology be considered rational since for many researchers the question of the rational in the philosophy of the first conservative Edmund Burke does not arise in principle due to the fact that the thinker is perceived as a traditionalist? How do Burke's ideas correlate with the rationality of the classical Enlightenment type? Could the first conservative really be a non-rationalist, if he lived and worked in a time when the mind was actually the only constant in social and political thought? In this article the author considers all the above questions and provides his own interpretation. He applied the historical and value-normative research methods when working on the article. The author used a comparative analysis of emerging conservatism and liberal ideology to clarify and define the conservative ideas. The main conclusion of the article lies in evidence of rationality of classical conservatism. The author claims that rationality of Edmund Burke is based on a different type of perception of political reality. The article explores the concepts of reason and tradition, experiment and experience. Burke was the first to prove the possibility of coexistence of tradition and reason in the same political field defending the principles of heredity, continuity, and traditionalism. 

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.25761

Abstract: The subject of the research is a new military course of NATO, the USA, its allies and partners. In the article the author analyzes the dynamics of relations between the USA, NATO and Russia in the period of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014-2016. The crisis has led to a serious deterioration of relationship between Moscow and Brussels, London and Washington since the end of "the cold war" and the revision of international security. Ukraine and Crimea have become a new dividing line between the West and Russia which began to apply different approaches and methods to resolve the crisis. The foreign policy of the West with respect to Russia has become a matter of comprehensive pressure on Russia through diplomatic and economic sanctions, and then unprecedented military strengthening of the military contingent after the "cold war". The authors applied a systematic approach involving a wide range of Social Sciences and the Humanities as a methodological basis of the study in addition to general scientific methods and techniques. The scientific novelty of the study is in consideration of the USA-NATO relations with Russia in the context of the Ukrainian crisis: the relations were at a high level of strategic partnership and then in a few years were actually terminated. The main conclusion of the study is that after more than 25 years of efforts to build a strategic partnership between the United States, NATO and Russia, there began a new phase of geopolitical confrontation of Washington and Brussels with Moscow, which leads to the settlementof the Ukrainian issue and other problems of the modern world, for example, in Syria, but also to general escalation of the military situation.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.18566

Abstract: In 2001, the greatest modern philosopher J. Habermas in his policy article "Faith and Knowledge" stated the fact of extraordinary resilience of religion that seemed to have been consigned to the "dustbin of history", and the beginning of the end of the secular world in which faith is actively recovering its positions. This trend has come to the fore more than ever in the post-Soviet countries: the religious expansion that began in the 1990s does not reduce its dynamics even in our time. In a multi-confessional and multi-cultural society, a typical example of which is the Republic of Kazakhstan, the development of the religious sphere outside the State control has a considerable conflict potential. The consideration of reasons for the reverse process (described by T. Lukman in "Invisible Religion")to religion transition from "private everyday life" to the public (and in fact – socio-political) field leads to the conclusion that it is necessary for the state to become not just an active participant in the system of social relations between religious denominations developing "rules of the game" but also to act as their direct actor. The author examines the model of interreligious harmony implemented in Kazakhstan (considered to be one of the most effective in the world) as a successful example of such interaction. Taking the relations between state structures and religious communities in the Republic of Kazakhstan as a subject of the article, the author aims to demonstrate the importance of the confessional factor in the internal political processes, as well as to evaluate their condition, nature and development trends.  The use of the tools characteristic of the comparative method, as well as an empirical and theoretical analysis lead to the conclusion about the effectiveness of the secular model of interaction between State and religion, as well as to suggest directions for further development.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.26534

Abstract: The article overviews the relationship between Russia and Austria since the XVIII century on the example of relations between St. Petersburg, the former capital of the Russian Empire until 1917, and Vienna remaining the capital of Austria until now. The relations explored from the perspective of friendly and voluntary cultural ties can be traced both in the formal (political) and informal fields. The main directions of the relations considered in the article are as follows: education, small and large business, festival and tour movement, Museum contacts. The article also pays attention to the issues of interpersonal, domestic interaction, tourist flows and Austria’s activity at the UNESCO platform – the organization actively working in Russia in general and in St. Petersburg in particular. The main information sources of the article were the official site of the St. Petersburg Government, the website of The Austrian Embassy in Moscow, as well as publications in the Russian-language press about some projects in the cultural sphere of both States. In the light of the tense political situation between Russia and Europe in 2017-2018, such an appeal to the historical roots and the call for friendship between the two States seems more than relevant and topical. The article provides a number of assumptions about the possible ways of further development of cooperation, the prospects of the current course maintainance, and also emphasizes the historically grounded similarity of the studied objects.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2018.2.25855

Abstract: The subject of the study is science diplomacy that is becoming more and more popular in the sphere of international relations. Meanwhile, the content of this concept remains blurred. The author correlates the concept of "science diplomacy" with the concepts of public diplomacy,"track-II diplomacy" and soft power, which provides a better understanding of its potential in the modern system of international relations. The article focuses on the humanitarian dimension of science diplomacy which, in the author's opinion, most closely corresponds to its mission. Using comparative methodology, the author compares the approach to understanding science diplomacy developed in the domestic discourse with the interpretation of this trend in official documents on Russian foreign policy and the existing domestic practice of science diplomacy. The author concludes that science diplomacy as a form of public diplomacy serves as a means of promoting and protecting the national interests of the state. The direction known as "science for diplomacy" most closely conforms to this role. The diplomacy of scientists is a very promising format of international contacts with the potential of affecting international relations.