DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.32991

Abstract: Diplomatics has always been interconnected with economy particularly the development of international trade. However, unlike the previous historical periods, the era of global interaction, developing an intense economic competition, simultaneously contributes to growth of interdependence between economic systems of various countries. Thus, there arises a legitimate question: whether or not the professional diplomats and experts in international relations should be concerned with the state economic administration. What are the practical and theoretical grounds for studying economic coercion from the position of world politics and science on international relations? It is suggested that such articulation of the problem initially implies presence of an objective need for detailed analysis by the expert-analytical community of economic sanctions (same as other instruments of economic coercion) in the context of global and regional international politics. The goal of this research consists in conceptualization of the term “economic sanctions” as a category of international-political science in light of its more relevant analytical angles and theoretical-methodological approaches. A conclusion is made that the effective application of economic sanctions as a regulatory instrument for international politics is often overestimated. The states that initiated sanctions launch a sanction mechanism in such instances, when they do not see other alternatives for various reasons. Sanctions become successful when imposed by an entire coalition, rather than a separate country; then in can affect the political elites and not only the regular citizens. The scientific novelty and practical importance is defined by the fact that the acquired results can be used in scientific and pedagogical activity in studying specific forms and methods of realization of economic diplomacy in Russia and foreign countries, as well as can be of interests for the experts in international political and economic cooperation.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33522

Abstract: The subject of this article is the substantiation of problematic situation that requires attention of social sciences. Rapid transition of multiple types of relations of citizens with official structures and economic agents to digital form is accompanied by contradictory consequences. The facts demonstrate that in the conditions of techworld, latent exploitation of users of digital platforms becomes the norm. This phenomenon already caught the attention of economists, media theoreticians, specialists in the area of information systems and strategic managements, but still has not become the subject of interests of social scientists. The author describes the examples of paid professional activity, which regular citizens are forced to carry out without due compensation, if they desire to use digital gadgets, platforms and various services. The differences between latent exploitation and acquisition of labor through crowdsourcing are demonstrated. A conclusion is made that the concept, according to which digital platforms exploit users “not as employees, but the audience” requires appending, since in addition to production of Big Data, the users unconsciously and without compensation fulfill actual labor functions for the corporations and “digital government”. This aspect requires an in-depth social research.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33629

Abstract: This article is dedicated to the analysis of Turkey-Syria conflict. The is to examine the causes and course of this confrontation from the perspective of historical prerequisites, as well as assess the prospects of further cooperation within the framework of transforming system of international relations and change in the regional balance of powers in the Near East. Detailed analysis is conducted on the policy of the leadership of the Republic of Turkey with regards to Syria since its foundation until the present. Special attention is turned to the Turkey’s current Near East policy, in which Ankara attempts to strengthen its positions in the region, using Syria as a space for implementation of its Neo-Ottoman ideas. The article also reveals a range of problems that impede normalization of the bilateral relations between Turkey and Syria at the present stage. The conclusion is substantiates that there is a high likelihood of continued confrontation between Turkey and Syria in the short-term perspective. It is noted that the situation may change under the condition of the change of power in both countries, and coming to power of the government oriented towards mutually beneficial regional cooperation.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33442

Abstract: This article is dedicated to examination of mass protests that unfolded in Iraq since the second half of 2019 until the beginning of 2020 and involved even northern part of the country (with prevailing Kurdish population). The core demand of protesters in the Arab part of the country consisted in amendment of the existing administrative system (“Muhasasa"), which issued quotas for the representatives of ethnic and religious groups of the country (Shiite and Sunni Arabs, and Kurds). Separate protests were also recorded in the Iraqi Kurdistan. The novelty of this research consists in examination of Iraqi protests at the present state, as well as from the perspective of relations between the central government of Iraq and Kurdish Autonomy. The conclusion is made that the key factor of protests consists in dissatisfaction of population with the quality of rendered services, low effectiveness of government apparatus, and high level of corruption. Although there is no direct correlation between protests in northern and southern parts of the country, the very fact of disturbances among the Kurds testifies to the existence social tension in northern Iraq. Theoretically, neglecting the demands of Arab population may lead to the proliferation of protests across the country.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33136

Abstract: This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members – Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33155

Abstract: The subject of this research is the key topoi of the discourse of Islamist propaganda and the mechanism of their representation by a number of unaccredited sources of the Russian-language extremist propaganda. The object of this research is the Islamist discourse covered by the “official” sources of the prohibited in the Russian Federation international terrorist organizations – “Islamic State”, “Dabiq” and “Rumiyah”, as well as a number of Russian-language sources of Islamist propaganda. The author examines such aspects of jihadist propaganda as the category of space, semiotics of Islamist propaganda; postmodern traits in the jihadist propaganda materials. Analysis is conducted on the category “Dawlah” (“state” from Arabic) as a sovereign concept in the discourse of “Islamic State” organization. Special attention is paid to the characteristic of Islamist propaganda as a phenomenon typical for the era of postmodernism. The distinctive features of the Russian-language Islamist discourse are described. Leaning on the analysis of textual and visual materials of Islamist propaganda, the author concludes on inextricable connection of the discourse of jihadist propaganda with the society of its function, despite the thesis on irreconcilable confrontation to the “Taghut” society declared by the ideologists of the international terrorist organization “Islamic State”. This thesis is proven by a certain symbolic set of Islamist propaganda, usage of symbols comprehensible to modern audiences, and significant attention given to the brand and style of the jihadists. After the defeat of the Caliphate as a proto-state entity (rather than a terrorist organization), the “Islamic State” substantially migrated into the virtual space. In an attempt to influence the audience, jihadist propaganda operates not only on the level of objective reality, but immerses the reader in an entirely virtual world. This work reveals the peculiarities of such process.