Abstract: The research object is the contents and the organization of public diplomacy in the process of foreign (public) policy implementation. Special attention is given to the views of different political scientists on the contents of the public policy concept, its main directions and mechanisms. The author outlines the interconnected elements of public diplomacy as an integral system: maximum transparency and attractiveness of foreign policy in the cultural aspect and reliable informing of citizens about it; direct contacts of the state with the social structures of other states for the optimization of goals and tasks of its foreign policy on the base of observance of international legal norms and principles; support of non-governmental organizations of the country for the purpose of their cooperation with the societies of other countries; contacts between various communities of countries for the purpose of studying other countries’ policies. Theoretical provisions are proved by the reliable examples characterizing public diplomacy implementation in the foreign policies of different states (China, Germany, Russia). The study demonstrates the role of social and humanitarian knowledge and the educational system in the process of development of institutional basis of the public diplomacy system. The study is based on the institutional method, which helps detect and characterize the peculiarities, principles, goals, and functions of public diplomacy in the process of foreign policy implementation. This study is one of the first crucial attempts to analyze public diplomacy as a system of institutional elements and to define the role of cultural factors in public policy processes. The author supposes that public diplomacy and public policy are interconnected through the constant dialogue between the government and the subjects of the civil society.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.22160

Abstract: The research subject is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization; the research object is the geopolitical and economic aspects of its activities at the modern stage. The economic cooperation further development and the improvement of investment climate in the SCO member-states seem to be the priority goals of the organization’s work. In the future, providing the stable development rates and the inclusion of new members (India, Iran and Pakistan), the SCO will undoubtedly push on to the next level of geopolitical and economic influence in the multipolar world. The author applies general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis and the dialectical approach. The concepts and methods of the international relations theory, history and political science, involving the system analysis, the comparative analysis and the comparative-historical method, are significant for the research. The author arrives at the following conclusions: At the present stage, the geopolitical and economic vectors develop and the new promising economic cooperation projects appear within the SCO. The author supposes that the Chinese development concept is significant for crisis overcoming and Eurasian economic growth strengthening, and it can promote further economic cooperation between the SCO member-states and European countries. In the author’s opinion, the Chinese concept might be effectively realized through the existing SCO structures.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.22337

Abstract: The paper considers the peculiarities of foreign policy of the Gabonese Republic in the context of comparative analysis of its main characteristics at different stages of the country’s development. The study is focused on the analysis of the conceptual background of foreign policy, the specificity of multilateral and bilateral diplomacy, and the formation of the international reputation of Gabon. The author studies Gabon’s contemporary foreign policy in its interconnection with the country’s development tasks specified in the “Emerging Gabon” Strategic plan. Special attention is given to President’s role in the process of decision making in foreign policy. The applied complex approach and the variety of studied sources help the author to analyze the factors, determining Gabon’s foreign policy, reveal the tasks, and make reliable conclusions. The author applies the comparative and problem and chronological methods, and system analysis. The comparative method helps comparing the history of Gabon’s foreign policy development in the context of its relations with foreign countries and international organizations, reveal and compare the main characteristics of Gabon’s foreign policy at different stages of its development. Gabon’s foreign policy of the period after its sovereignization hasn’t been analyzed as a complex in Russian and foreign historiography so far. The analysis demonstrates that the sphere of foreign policy is traditionally one of the priorities of the state, and is a very important direction within the national development plans of Gabon. The author notes that Gabon’s foreign policy is successive, and is aimed at international partnership development via dialogue and initiative positioning on key international issues.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.21585

Abstract: The paper studies foreign policy of nation-states and the peculiarities of its formation in the context of globalization. The author notes that foreign policy of modern states is a complex system, which has undergone significant changes at the turn of the 20th – the 21st centuries under the influence of the processes of globalization of socio-political, state-legal and financial and economic development of national societies and states. Foreign policy of nation-states doesn’t serve their national interests anymore, instead it serves the interests of the global ruling elite. The author applies the formal-logical and historical-legal methods, analysis, synthesis and comparison. Thus, foreign policy of modern nation-states is affected by globalization processes and is a means of reconciling the interests of different elite groups, composing the global ruling elite, used for leveling differences and contradictions between them. Interests of nation-states in this situation are secondary, and are defended by foreign policy only if they don’t confront with the interests of the global ruling elite.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.20957

Abstract: The research subject covers different aspects of institutional participation of the Republic of Armenia in the EU “Eastern Partnership” program. Armenia, though actively participating in integrational processes within the European Economic Union, considers cooperation with the EU, and the “Eastern Partnership” program in particular, as an effective instrument of implementation of its own national interests. The author considers the political and legal structure of the “Eastern Partnership” initiative, analyzes the political context and the formats of Armenia’s participation in the initiatives of the “Eastern Partnership”, determined by Armenian government’s intention to use the potential of the EU to long-term political issues. The author analyzes the problem in the context of the neoliberal paradigm and focuses on the multidimensionality of the problem under study, taking into account the complexity of the modern system of international relations characterized by integration tendencies. The author comes to the following conclusions: - At the present time, the intention of Armenian government to pursue the complementary pragmatic foreign policy, aimed at the implementation of its own national interests, using the potential of cooperation with the leading geopolitical actors within the priority cooperation with the Russian Federation and integrational associations, sponsored by it, is obvious; - Armenia prefers maintaining the possibilities of cooperation with the EU within the “Eastern Partnership” and modernizes legal basis of cooperation with the EU, at the same time opting for strategic partnership with Russia. In this context, the author emphasizes Armenia’s intention to pursue the “reasonable pragmatic neutrality policy” using the contradictions between the leading subjects of regional policy – the European Union and Russia. - It seems that the mentioned intentions are promising, since the EU is still interested in Armenia, first of all because of the necessity to use the potential of former Soviet republics to counterbalance Russia’s policy. - Thus, bilateral cooperation between Armenia and the EU within the “Eastern Partnership” initiative is, undoubtedly, quite promising.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.22095

Abstract: The article studies the issues of strategic partnership within the Russia-China-USA triangle in the context of the existing security threats in Asia Pacific and the peculiarities of the counties’ diplomacy. The research object is the foreign policy of the regional great powers: the USA, China and Russia. The research subject is the peculiarities of the current foreign policy and diplomacy of these countries in Asia Pacific. The authors study the character of the foreign policy of Russia, China and the USA, and define the forthcoming changes on the global stage. special attention is given to such issues as the “public diplomacy” of the USA, the impact of “soft power”, Russia’s diplomacy in response to the sanctions, imposed by the USA and the EU, etc. The authors note the peculiarities of development of China’s diplomacy and the country’s attitude towards the new American president. The authors conclude about the forthcoming changes of the policy and the interests of the countries in this region. The authors’ approach consists in the system analysis of political events and the results of political actions of the parties concerned, aimed at analyzing the character of the foreign policies of Russia, China and the USA within the mentioned threats and defining the prospects of relations strengthening within the Russia-China-USA triangle in the context of political changes (first of all, in the USA), the “public diplomacy”, “soft power” and other factors. The authors conclude that the current situation in Asia Pacific is characterized by the struggle for control over geopolitical space between the USA, Russia and China with possible involvement of small and medium states in three “cold” conflicts, very serious from the positon of military potentials of the opposing parties. The study can serve as a basis for the future comparative analysis with account for the common features of Asia Pacific strategies of the USA, China and Russia.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.20582

Abstract: The research object is the economic component of Russia’s foreign policy. The research subject is the mechanism of interaction between Russia and the BRICS’ member-states. The author considers the prerequisites to the formation of the group, the main stages of its development, and its current state. The author analyzes the key mechanisms and the results of interaction of Russia with China, India, Brazil and South Africa at the present stage. The author notes the special role of China in bilateral and multilateral cooperation with Russia, and outlines the problem of competition between the two countries in Africa and Latin America. The author defines the prospects of BRICS’ development as a group, representing an alternative to the domination of the West. To solve the research tasks, the author applies the following research methods: theoretical analysis of scientific literature on the problem under study; consideration, generalization and analysis of information on the experience of Russia’s participation in the activities of the BRICS and the mechanisms, used in international relations. The author comes to the following conclusions: 1) BRICS is in fact the priority direction of Russia’s foreign policy at the present moment. 2) Since this group is aimed at solving economic issues, it is the best format for implementation of Russia’s economic diplomacy. 3) Active cooperation with this group would help Russia to significantly strengthen its positions on the global stage. 4) Heterogeneity of economic development of the member-states and insufficiency of legal support hampers the development of this association.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.21221

Abstract: The paper analyzes the humanitarian direction of Russia’s foreign policy in Asia Pacific countries. The author studies the forms and scales of Russia’s humanitarian presence in this region, particularly, the work of the network of Russian scientific and cultural centers. Using the comparative method, the author analyzes the differences between the Russian understanding of the conceptual limits of humanitarian diplomacy and the approach established on the national and sub-regional levels (within ASEAN) of Asia Pacific. In Russia, the “humanitarian cooperation” concept is usually understood very widely, while in Asia Pacific, the problem-oriented approach to humanitarian activities in foreign policy has been established. The author concludes that at the present time, humanitarian efforts are aimed at solving the problems caused by the high level of vulnerability of the Asia Pacific region to nonconventional security threats (natural disasters, forced displacement of large numbers of people). The author formulates recommendations for the promotion of Russia’s experience in emergency situations prevention and management and in strengthening logistical and infrastructural components of Russia’s humanitarian presence in Asia Pacific. Particularly, the author suggests creating a large humanitarian response depot in Vladivostok (using the example of the UN Humanitarian Response Depots).

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.21706

Abstract: The paper studies China’s soft power influence on the foreign policy and cultural diplomacy of the DPR Korea. The purpose of the study is to demonstrate how the Korean leadership, using the soft power instruments in economic, cultural and political spheres, influences North Korea. The authors also attempt at finding out if North Korea has any soft power. The authors emphasize that Chinese diplomats and officials effectively support North Korea’s foreign policy. In this context, the Chinese leadership, calling upon the peaceful settlement of the conflict that would take into account the interests of both Korean states, pursues foreign policy toward its neighbors aimed at preservation of peace and easing of tensions in the region. The research method is the comparative analysis of the two soft power concepts of China and North Korea. American military threat is the most important factor of achievement of this goal. The China’s soft power effect on North Korea is weakened by the hard power threat from the US. The Western scholars believe that one of the strategic tasks of the Chinese government is the prevention of economic and humanitarian collapse of North Korea. The Chinese scholars believe that the “soft power” impact on the DPR Korea is strictly limited. The preservation of political status-quo in North Korea is the integral part of China’s foreign policy strategy. The North Korean problem hasn’t been solved yet, but China’s policy and operative measures, not working yet, could be a step in the right direction.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.20600

Abstract: The research subject is the foreign policy of the United States in Central Asia in the early 21st century. The author considers such aspects as the factors of activation of America’s policy in Central Asian direction, the role of Central Asia in America’s foreign policy in the early 21st century, and the U.S. diplomacy in Central Asia. Special attention is given to the U.S. foreign policy and its priorities in Central Asia in the second decade of the 21st century. The author applies the methods of historiography, source study, applied political science, system analysis, political analysis and geopolitical expertise. The author specifies the problems and prospects of America’s foreign policy in Central Asia in the early 21st century. The author states that the foreign policy of the U.S. in Central Asia will unavoidably change, and this transformation should be based on the refusal to solve regional problems unilaterally, and on the search for the ways of constructive cooperation with Russia and China.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.21993

Abstract: The research object is the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The research subject covers integration mechanisms of interaction between the EAEU member-states, including political, financial, technological, and others. The author studies the modern trends of decrease in trading volumes in the EAEU in particular groups of goods, caused by the sanctions. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of the current instruments of foreign trade activation within the EAEU – the creation of Eurasian technological platforms and special economic zones for the development of innovative sectors of industry. The research methodology incudes the methods of system and statistical analysis, and the method of economic planning and prognostication. The author reveals and substantiates the key role of Russia within the EAEU, and the necessity to search for the new ways of economic strengthening of this integrational association. To strengthen the EAEU’s role in global trade, it is necessary to develop and strengthen cooperation ties between its member-states and increase the mutual trade volume. In future, it will help enter the external markets with joint, more competitive offers, and shift from the resource-based to the commodity structure of export.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.22170

Abstract: The article studies the place and role of transnational corporations within the system of non-state actors of international relations. The research object is the system of international relations and world politics in general and the system of non-state actors of international relations in particular. The research subject is transnational corporations as a special type of non-state actors of world politics. The purpose of the study is to define the role and place of transnational corporations within the system of non-state actors of international relations. The research methodology is based on the system, structural-functional, comparative-political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, and observation. The author draws attention to the fact that modern transnational corporations (TNC) have a special and, to a certain extent, a unique position within the system of non-state actors of international relations and world politics. In their form and way of existence, TNCs are not specialized actors: they can successfully fit into any vacant political niches and play any roles, using the support of nation-states both for the acquisition of the political status and influence, and the legitimation of the results of their political activities.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.21953

Abstract: The research subject is the problem of participation of the Soviet representative and legislative power in the foreign policy of the state in 1917 – 1991. The paper describes the approaches of different scholars. The author shows that during the Soviet period, the impact of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the foreign policy of the state wasn’t decisive. Foreign policy was formed and realized by a narrow group of people, the key representatives of the ruling elite, and in the postwar years – within the Central Committee of the Communist Party, which had enough authorities, information and expert resources. In the result of reforms of “perestroika”, the role of the Supreme Soviet in the foreign policy of the state increased. In 1989 – 1991 this institution had performed important international political and diplomatic actions to realize the course, adopted by the first Congress of People’s Deputies. Those actions led to the significant changes in the USSR positioning on the international stage and its relations with particular countries, and determined the subsequent transformation of the international system. The research methodology is based on the system approach. The author applies institutional, historical and genetic, and socio-psychological methods. The author proves that during the mentioned period, the general trend of the Russian state functioning had been manifesting itself: the defense and foreign issues were controlled not by the head of the executive power, but, generally, by the supreme leader. His milieu, consisting of the most influential politicians of that period, played a decisive role in decision making in the sphere of foreign policy.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.19688

Abstract: The paper considers the problem of development of trade and economic relations between the regions of Russia and Belarus in the context of the Union State formation. The authors prove that to fully implement international cooperation in the spheres of trade, industry, power engineering, and socio-cultural sphere, it is necessary to develop transregional interaction in the spheres of transport, communications and Media. The research object is transregional communications of the Union State. The research subject is socio-economic relations within transregional communications of the Union State. The authors apply the method of system analysis to estimate the geographical dispersion of cooperation in the spheres of transport and communications and reveal the necessity to diversify such interactions according to the geographical principle. Special attention is paid to the analysis of border territories of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus. The authors prove that within the Union State, contacts and broader cooperation between the regions are connected with the difficulties of federative and unitary state structures, and offer organizational, economic, and legal measures to solve these problems. The authors consider the improvement of cooperation in the creation of transport infrastructure and the communications system as a prerequisite to the extension of innovation potential and the increase of investment potential of Russian and Belarusian regions.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.22001

Abstract: The author analyzes the basic institutions of support of international ties of Russian regions including specialized bodies of administration and international agreements of Russian regions and investment promoting agencies. The study covers the structure of international ties of 6 neighboring regions of Central Russia: Orel, Bryansk, Kursk, Kaluga, Tula and Lipetsk regions. The author characterizes the role of governing bodies, responsible for international activities, within the regional authorities system, estimates the forms and geography of international agreements of the regions under study. The author uses the information about foreign investments, brought in by the regions, as the criterion of their effectiveness. The author carries out comparative analysis of the existing system of institutions, coordinating international ties of Russian regions, which are the part of the internal, low-active model of international cooperation, in the context of the heightened competition for foreign investment. The author concludes that for the regions under study, the search for optimal configuration of institutions, responsible for international ties coordination, is still the urgent task.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.22138

Abstract: The author considers the main causes and peculiarities of the process of transformation of the foreign policy of Egypt in the early 1950s. The chronology of the study is determined by the beginning of the new stage of the conflict between Egypt and Israel, prompted by political events in Egypt in 1952 and the subsequent rise to power of G. Nasser. Egypt aspires to leadership in the Arab world; it takes the central place in the conflict between the world powers in the Middle East. The topicality of the research is determined by the process of Egypt’s choosing the guarantor of its foreign policy among the world powers. The research methodology is based on the system method. The author applies the historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods. The author focuses on the process of Egypt’s foreign policy shift towards the USSR. This reorientation was the result of Egypt’s understanding of the hopelessness of the negotiation process with the western countries in the sphere of trade, economic and military cooperation. The author proves that the world power’s intentions to serve their own national interests promoted tensions between the parties to the conflict.