DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.3.38757

EDN: UNFDVQ

Abstract: The article is devoted to the analysis of the US foreign policy in the Middle East. The study analyzes the military-political, energy and information aspects of the offensive and defensive models of the Middle East policy of the United States at the present stage. The purpose of the study was to examine the results of the implementation of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects of the United States in the Middle East, taking into account the influence of the information factor and the Russian-American confrontation in the region. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach. The historical approach, statistical methods, event analysis, case-study method, analysis, comparison, induction and deduction were also applied. The novelty of the work lies in considering the offensive and defensive models of the US political course in the Middle East and the results of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects in specific regional situations. Attention is paid to the consequences of Washington's offensive foreign policy on the example of the invasion of Iraq and the occupation of Syria. The article considers the defensive model of US policy in the Persian Gulf with an emphasis on US-Saudi relations against the background of the visit of the US president to the region in July 2022. Examples of Russia's successful creative policy in the Middle East are given. The conclusion is made about the destructive nature and low effectiveness of both offensive and defensive models of the US geopolitical strategy in the Middle East. Against the background of Washington's weakening influence on regional processes, the sovereignty of states is gradually increasing, and it becomes possible for them to pursue an independent political course. The turn of a number of traditional Middle Eastern partners of the United States towards Russia and the system of multipolarity world order proposed by Moscow is becoming more and more noticeable. A change in the balance of power in the Middle East region in the future may lead to a gradual decrease in information influence and a deterioration in Washington's image, with a very likely continuation of conflict interaction between Russia and the United States.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.3.38625

EDN: IVSPKW

Abstract: The subject of the study is the fundamental possibility of State recognition (currently or in the foreseeable future) as a subject of international community law, existing only on the World Wide Web (the Decenturion - which is classified in the article as a web-state). The concept of the state itself is considered, the criteria for defining a certain entity as a state are distinguished, various types of states are distinguished based on their international status, the presence of territory and practical sovereignty over it. The features of the state in the generally accepted meaning of this word are distinguished, the features present in the web-state of the Decenturion and the features characteristic of traditional states, which the Decenturion does not have and cannot have, This topic has practically not been touched upon before in the scientific literature: the concepts of "digital state", "cyber state", "electronic government" are present in the title of many publications" and others, but the subject of these studies are not Internet entities that identify themselves as a "state", but various forms of presence on the World Wide Web of traditional states (websites of state structures, online services, etc.). Due to the lack of well-established terminology, the article attempts to streamline the terms used in relation to various entities that claim the status of a state, but have not received international recognition. It is concluded that it is possible in principle in the future for the international community to raise the issue of recognizing the web State as a subject of international law.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.3.38008

EDN: LVEXYP

Abstract: The activities of transnational business have already become an integral part of the global political and economic development, affecting integration processes in the world. However, the dichotomy of relations between a state and TNC in the context of trans-regional development is not fully understood. The article analyzes the consequences of quantitative and qualitative strengthening of TNC in the world political processes on the example of four major trans-regional projects - the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Trans-Pacific Trade and Investment Partnership, European Union and MERCOSUR Free Trade Agreement, the Belt and Road Initiative. The authors define the tools promoting each project, which reflect the nature of interaction between states and TNC at the trans-regional level. In addition, the study highlights various objectives of TNC participation in a particular trans-regional association, as well as appropriate resources for the implementation of their interests, which can generally be divided into economic, political and image. To answer the question on how states and transnational business interdepend not only in trans-regional processes but also in the world economy, the authors, based on the practice of modern world politics, construct models of the relationship between states and business and come to the conclusion that the type of interaction these actors use largely depends on states internal political system, as well as their foreign policy goals. Nevertheless, despite the increasing role of TNC as an influential actor in world politics, at the moment it is premature to declare that they are completely independent from states.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.3.27472

EDN: LVFNLO

Abstract: The article examines the main challenges and threats to the security of the countries of the Central Asian region, as well as examines their positions and interests in the context of resolving the situation in Afghanistan. The relevance of the research topic lies in the fact that the conflict in the IRA has not been resolved to this day, which creates security threats in the CAR countries. The author pays special attention to the study of the specifics of bilateral relations between the Central Asian states and Afghanistan in the issue of ensuring regional security and establishing peace in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The methods of comparison and analysis allowed the author to establish similarities and differences in the approaches of the Central Asian countries to the settlement of the Afghan crisis. The article analyzes the bilateral relations of the states of the region on this issue, their national benefits from a stable Afghanistan and proposals for the settlement of the Afghan conflict. The main factors of instability in the region, as well as mutual benefits in bilateral relations and the interests of the CAR countries in Afghanistan are considered.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.3.34353

EDN: RLDNUL

Abstract: The article is devoted to an urgent problem of our time - the integration of Canadian energy markets into the energy markets of the Asia-Pacific region. Canada's economy is currently the 16th largest in the world in terms of GDP and is heavily dependent on international trade, whose prosperity is inextricably linked to external markets and the ability to access those markets. In turn, China, Japan, and South Korea are the world's largest importers of crude oil and liquefied natural gas. The study considers not only the reasons for the need of Canada's energy markets to enter the Asia-Pacific region, but also analyzes the dependence of the Canadian economy on the economy of the United States of America. The main conclusions of the study are the ways of integrating the energy markets of Canada and the Asia-Pacific countries. The built economic model of interaction should not only exist within the framework of the created legal acts but also should determine the importance of the formation of this economic institution for subsequent development. The work has increased relevance since joint development within the economic area creates a stable relationship, which can later be used for external use, within the framework of building a new type of economic model. Thus, the information acquires statistical value and can be used in further research. I believe that the purpose of this study was achieved by considering the economic cooperation of Canada with the ATP countries in the energy sector.