Abstract: This scientific article is devoted to the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China. The relevance of the research topic is due to: first, the growth of the influence of the People’s Republic of China on the international arena; secondly, the acceleration of the process of transformation of the international situation, consisting in «power transition» from the USA to China; third, strengthening relations between the PRC and the countries of the collective "non-West". The object of this study is the cultural diplomacy of the PRC. The study focuses on the Chinese language as an instrument of Chinese cultural diplomacy. The aim of the study is to determine the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of China. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks: to study the process of implementing the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China in the context of «power transition», to define the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China in the context of «One Belt One Road». This study is based on the theory of neoliberalism, which implies the primacy of international political, economic and cultural cooperation as a factor restraining potential hostilities. The main conclusions of the study are the characteristic of cultural diplomacy as an integral part of inter-state relations, identification of the key tools for the implementation of Chinese cultural diplomacy at the present stage in the form of a symbiosis of the initiative «One Belt One Road» and the activities of the Confucius Institutes, characterization of the PRC as the key and only rival of the United States of America on the international arena in the context of the theory of «power transition».

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.69542

Abstract: This article addresses the pertinent issue of irreversible transformations in the diplomacy of contemporary states, international organizations, and peoples. Using the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP) as a case study, the contribution of historical, cultural, and linguistic heritage is analyzed as a specific factor fostering positive changes and progress in the lives of the people of these member states. The study aims to analyze the role of the CPLP in modern diplomacy and identify its influence on the formation of relationships between states. The aim of this research is to study the contribution of the CPLP to the development of Portuguese Language Countries. The authors conducted a comprehensive study of the history, development, and achievements of this international organization over its 27 years of existence. Special attention is given to the activities of the International Institute of the Portuguese Language (IIPL). The research successfully achieved its goal and addressed the tasks through the application of SWOT analysis. The relevance of this research lies in the growing importance of multilateral cooperation among countries sharing a common linguistic heritage. Understanding the dynamics and transformations within the CPLP is essential for grasping the changing nature of global diplomacy and the role of language as a unifying force in international affairs. The research successfully examined the formation and development of the CPLP as an actor in international relations, analyzed the activities of the Institute of the Portuguese Language as an accountable body of the organization, and studied the influence of the CPLP on the development of relations among Portuguese Language Countries. Based on the research findings, the authors conclude that the sovereign equality of CPLP member states is a paramount result of the global transformation of diplomatic relations between former metropolis and former colonies.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.39791

Abstract: The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the rise of populism in Italy against the background of the crisis of liberal democracy. The aim of the work is to determine the influence of postmodern phenomena described by such scientists as J.F. Lyotard, J. Der Derian and J. Baudrillard, on the rise of populist parties and movements in Italy. The object of the study was the phenomena of the postmodern world. The subject of the work is their influence on the rise of populism and disillusionment with liberal democracy in Italy. Special attention is paid to the new challenges of the 2020s for Europe and especially for Italy, where populists have achieved particular success. Against the background of these challenges, the phenomena characteristic of the postmodern era made Europeans doubt the liberal democratic paradigm, which led to the strengthening of right-wing radicals and populists. The novelty of the study is directly highlighting the connection between the rise of populism in Europe and the crack of the liberal democratic paradigm against the background of the migration crisis, the coronavirus pandemic and the deterioration of relations with Russia due to the situation with Ukraine through the prism of the works of postmodern philosophers. In the course of the study, the author came to the conclusion that the postmodern processes of the modern world, such as the collapse of meta-narratives, global surveillance, the creation of myths, images and simulacra, are not correlated with the traditional representation of liberal democracy. Against the background of new challenges and threats, it discredits itself, which gives rise to the spread of populists who skillfully take advantage of the situation that has arisen. According to the results of the content analysis, it was confirmed that the opinion of populists depends on the current agenda. It has been hypothesized that the image of liberal democracy imposed by Europe does not correspond to the image of liberal democracy in the eyes of ordinary Italians, so they see the salvation of their roots and identity in populists.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.69673

Abstract: This article examines the features and main problems of Vladivostok as a large city in the Russian Far East and an important hub connecting Russia and China. The Russian Far East is a vast region rich in resources and focused on the vast market of the Asia-Pacific region. However, in recent years, a number of reasons have weakened the basis for the development of a comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and China. After the start of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in 2022, Russia actively "looks to the east" and creates a model of economic development focused on the Asia-Pacific region. The Chinese initiative "One Belt, One Road" and the strategy of comprehensive openness have created conditions for the development of cooperation between the Northeast of China and the Russian Far East. In order to promote the accelerated development of the Far East, Russia is actively creating cities with advanced socio-economic development and hopes to improve business conditions in the Far East through a number of measures such as: improving infrastructure, providing tax incentives and simplifying administrative procedures in order to increase its investment attractiveness, increase employment and contribute to the economic development of the region, which will lead to the rise of the entire national economy. The following methods of scientific research were used in the work: the method of analysis and synthesis; generalized method; classification method; specific method; systematic method; phenomenological method. The main conclusions of the study are that in the overall strategic context of the modern world, China and Russia should gradually strengthen their complementary advantages and local industrial cooperation between the two countries. Vladivostok, as the fastest growing city in the Far East, has a great influence on regional cooperation between Russia and China. China has always been Russia's largest partner in the Far East in terms of bilateral trade, foreign investment and financial participation in recent years, so how to make rational use of Vladivostok's advantages and how to solve Vladivostok's current problems (for example, transport problems, demographic problems and the investment market for enterprises of the two sides) is the way to achieve the common development of both countries.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.69725

Abstract: The subject of the study is the political relations that arose as a result of Russia’s initiation of the «triple format» on the Syrian issue. The purpose of the study is to comprehensively analyze the development of the Astana format in the context of military-political relations with the Syrian Arab Republic in the political aspect. The methodological basis of the study consists of descriptive, comparative, typological and systematic methods. Descriptive and systematic methods made it possible to provide a holistic picture of the political processes related to the combination of factors that provoked military-political conflicts in Syria. The typology made it possible to study the processes occurring in Syria during the chronological period: from the moment of the Syrian color revolution to the present. The use of a systematic approach made it possible to present the Syrian crisis as an integral system of interacting elements. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by the fact that new sources were involved in the work, which relate to the diverse aspects of military-political relations with the Syrian Arab Republic in the context of the Syrian crisis. The practical significance of the work lies in the fact that the materials presented in it can be used for the political and diplomatic resolution of crisis situations that help preserve the integrity and sovereignty of states, preventing armed intervention in their internal processes. Based on these circumstances, it seems that the plans of the Western community, including the United States, provided for the elimination of countries as distinctive states with their own sovereignty, aimed at pursuing a policy of a bipolar world order. It was in this aspect that these countries used such a mechanism of influence as provoking “color revolutions.”

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.69911

Abstract: This article considers the ways of international students recruiting in Russian universities using as an example the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba. As a leading university in the fields of working with international students RUDN University uses a variety of ways to attract students from Europe and Latin America. The aim of the work is to identify commonalities and differences in working with international students from Europe and Latin America, taking into account the peculiarities, level of economic and social development of the regions, their native languages and planned field of studies among applicants. The methodology used in the article is a comparative analysis of the methods of recruiting European and Latin American citizens to study at the RUDN University. In addition, the comparison uses the real practice of the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba in recruiting international citizens from Europe and Latin America. The results of consideration show the effectiveness of the RUDN University methods used in the recruiting of European and Latin American students, as well as usefulness in their further implementation. The novelty lies in the comparison of the methods of international applicants recruiting from two regions – Europe and Latin America – for studies to RUDN University. The author concludes that it is advisable to operate Russian language centers, profile classes, resource centers, hold Open Olympiads to recruit talented young people to study at the RUDN University. It is also possible to continue working with recruiting companies and participation in international fairs. The possibility of introducing existing practices not only into the Russian, but also into the global educational space is being considered.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.39707

Abstract: Over the past thirty years, the world community has increased interest in the Arctic, new opportunities are emerging due to global warming, and many states have seen new prospects for their own development and strengthening their influence in the world. But non-Arctic states will have to prove the validity of their interests in order to get the right to participate in decision-making in the region. The results of many scientific studies indicate large oil and gas deposits, as well as reserves of many other types of minerals, respectively, interested countries will need to confirm the legitimacy of their rights to extract resources. With the melting of glaciers, new transport hubs are opening up, such as the NSR and NWP, which Russia and Canada seek to control, and where the United States and other countries insist that the NSR and NWP should have the status of international straits. Tensions are growing around the island of Svalbard, although the Paris Convention on Svalbard was signed in 1920, which implies Norway's sovereignty over the island, other countries have retained the right to conduct economic activities on the island, and Norway is trying to challenge this right in various ways. This paper examines hypothetical areas of cooperation and disagreements between stakeholders in the Arctic. The article describes the structure of relations between actors in the Arctic region, their problems and national interests, as well as cooperation in various fields. So countries that usually oppose each other in many regions can cooperate, sometimes even having contradictions in the Arctic, which ultimately allows us to see how many states can simultaneously converge and disagree on many issues in the Arctic. What makes this region unique in international relations.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.69729

Abstract: This study aims to analyze and evaluate the effectiveness of measures to combat terrorist threats in the Republic of Tajikistan. The article examines not only the problem of terrorism in the region, but also assesses its impact on the development and stability of the state and society as a whole. In the context of global trends related to international terrorism, extremism and drug trafficking, special attention is paid to their impact on Central Asia and the post-Soviet space. The region is becoming vulnerable to such threats, and therefore effective cooperation between States and international organizations in combating these problems is important. The current problems are analyzed, including the changing nature of global terrorism and its spread, especially in Afghanistan. The growth of extremist organizations and drug trafficking is also being revealed, which poses serious challenges to Tajikistan's national security. The study analyzed data obtained from various sources, which made it possible to identify significant challenges and threats to which the Central Asian states are exposed. Special attention is paid to global processes and their impact on the security of the region, as well as internal factors determining the socio-political situation in the Republic of Tajikistan. The novelty of this study lies in the importance of collective counteraction to terrorist threats and their impact on the stability and development of the Republic of Tajikistan. Considering the problem not only from the point of view of internal security, but also in the context of global trends, the study reveals the relationship between terrorism and other problems such as extremism and drug trafficking.This study highlights the important role of the Government of the Republic of Tajikistan in ensuring the country's security and countering threats. The article also discusses issues of cooperation with neighboring states and international organizations in the field of combating terrorism, which is also a new and relevant aspect of the study. Special attention is paid to the relevance and importance of these issues for ensuring the stability and development of the states of the Central Asian region. In the context of the changing global situation and the increasing influence of terrorism and extremism, the article emphasizes the need to effectively respond to threats and take appropriate measures to ensure the security of the region as a whole.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70116

Abstract: This article examines Cambodia’s involvement in regional security issues within the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The relevance of the topic of the study is due to the growing tension in the region of the South China Sea, consisting in the confrontation between the USA and the PRC, and the increase in terrorist activities in South-East Asia. The author examines in detail the history of the formation and development of the ASEAN, the evolution of the association’s regional security system. The author closely analyzes the problems of regional security of ASEAN, the role of the Kingdom of Cambodia in solving previously mentioned problems. The study focuses on ASEAN regional security issues in South-East Asia. The study focuses on the role of the Kingdom of Cambodia in addressing ASEAN regional security concerns. This scientific article is based on the theory of neoliberalism. The main conclusions of the research are related to the study of the history of the formation and development of the ASEAN, the evolution of the association’s regional security system, the identification of key problems of ensuring ASEAN regional security, among which we can highlight the growth of terrorist activities, the tension between the United States and the People’s Republic of China, the lack of a legal framework to resolve or respond to military conflicts, the definition of the role of Cambodia in the settlement of regional security problems in ASEAN, based on the rich experience in the implementation of counter-terrorism activities and on leveling the rivalry of the PRC and the USA in the Asia-Pacific, built on strong bilateral relations as with the United States; just like in China. The scientific novelty of the study is the content-analysis of key ASEAN documents and the structuring of the ASEAN regional security system.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70153

Abstract: The article is devoted to the study of the dynamics of the position of the Chinese leadership on the issue of ownership of the water area and marine facilities in the South China Sea. The purpose of the proposed study is to determine the specifics of China's position on the key issue of regional security in Southeast Asia. The objectives of this work are to consider the historical and economic prerequisites affecting the policy of the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea; to study the dynamics of China's diplomatic conflict with regional countries over sovereignty over the waters in the South China Sea, as well as to interpret China's approaches to solving this issue. The author considers the approach of Chinese diplomacy as a derivative of increasing China's role in global governance, which entails changes in both the regional subsystem and the global system of international relations. The study uses historical-comparative, historical-typological and problem-chronological methods, which allowed the author to study the PRC's approach to protecting its national interests in the South China Sea with a special focus on innovations introduced into China's approach due to the increasing complexity of systemic challenges for China. The relevance of this study is related to a change in the tactics of Chinese diplomacy towards more focused and tougher rhetoric, emphasizing intransigence with baseless attacks by Western countries and manipulations with the vulnerability of indigenous Chinese interests. The researcher concludes that the main task of the PRC today is to assert its influence in the South China Sea through close cooperation with ASEAN countries and strengthening regional cooperation in the South China Sea region. In view of the US desire to curb China's growth and prevent it from gaining a foothold in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, Beijing adheres to the tactics of negotiating a comprehensive Code of Conduct in the South China Sea with simultaneous unilateral economic development of the islands and waters of the South China Sea. This approach will lead to the creation of a stable and mutually beneficial regional order in East Asia.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70210

Abstract: The article is devoted to an analysis of the current British-American relations and their compliance with the previously established “special” status. The research subject is the current strategic documents of the countries – the UK Integrated Review Refresh 2023 and the US National Security Strategy 2022. A detailed study of the above documents allowed to identify the states’ strategic priorities, common interests, as well as the difference in positioning on the international scene and approaches to bilateral relations. Considering the need to compare the above declared strategies and practically implemented actions to get a complete view of the current UK-US relations, the author examines in detail the agreements reached between the states after the latest publication of the strategic documents, as well as the international agenda affecting bilateral relations. The methodological basis of the research is comparative analysis and content analysis. These methods, as well as systemic analysis enabled a comprehensive assessment of the current UK-US relations. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the article is the first to conduct a comprehensive comparative analysis of the UK Integrated Review Refresh 2023 and the US National Security Strategy 2022. The research gained insight into bilateral relations status, as well as into the states’ strategic priorities, which may be useful for further research focusing on the UK and the US. The main conclusion of the study is that the “special relationship” continues to be important for both countries in promoting national interests. Although the term is not mentioned in considering strategic documents, the states’ common strategic priorities create the basis for further partnership. The strategic arrangements and the benefits that the UK and the US derive allow to the relationship remain “special”.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70160

Abstract: The article examines the development of Azerbaijani-Persian relations in 1918–1920, when a newly formed state called Azerbaijan Democratic Republic appeared on the world map. Before the declaration of independence, the territory of Azerbaijan was a part of the Russian Empire, which received Azerbaijani lands as a result of the Russian-Persian wars in the first half of the 19th century. The Turkmenchay Treaty of 1828 defined the border separating Azerbaijan and Armenia from Persia and consolidated the division of Azerbaijan between the Russian Empire and Persia. As a result, the territory of Azerbaijan was divided into two parts - northern and southern, called Caucasian and Persian Azerbaijan respectively. The article is an attempt to fill the gap in the analysis of Azerbaijani-Persian relations in 1918-1920 in the domestic science. Historical, narrative and system methods were used as the main methods in the work on the article. The relevance of the article is conditioned by the possibility of revision of international treaties of historical significance. In particular, modern Iran has started revising the Turkmenchay Treaty of 1828. The revision of previously of earlier treaties may pose a threat to regional international relations and alter the territorial integrity of the states involved in the process. Understanding the historical development of the countries is important for building a foreign policy line at the present stage, including for Russia. Based on an analysis of foreign policy documents of Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, the author comes to the conclusion that Azerbaijani-Persian relations were ambiguous: if initially Persia declared its territorial claims to Azerbaijani lands, then Persia’s policy soon turned in the opposite direction, and the countries signed a number of agreements on foreign policy cooperation. The most important result of bilateral cooperation was the de jure recognition of Azerbaijan by Persia.