International relations - rubric International conflicts

Abstract: This article examines the stance of the Russian and foreign (Serbian and British-American) journalistic reports on the armed conflict events and confrontations in the territory of Yugoslavia of the 1990’s. The author describes and compares different interpretations of the prerequisites of tragic events, as well and analyzes their content and international significance. The study analyzes the role of press in reflection of Balkan events and formation of public opinion of the aforementioned countries. Special attention is dedicated to the interpretations of patriotic moods characteristic to some of the Russian publicists covering the events of Balkan Wars of the late XX century, their comprehension of Yugoslav events as a result of hegemonic pursuits of the United States, and a potential scenario for preparing disintegration of Russia. An opportunity is provided to analyze the outlook on Yugoslav events of the representative of “three centers” of social thought – Russian, Serbian and British-American. The article differentiates the stances of Russian publicists, reveals the ideological and political grounds of views of the representatives of patriotic and liberal trends. Analysis is conducted on the factors affecting the perception of crisis by Serbian and English language authors. The novelty of studying the problematic of Breakup of Yugoslavia is justified by relevance of disintegration of multiethnic states in the modern world. At the same time, a significant amount of source related to Balkan Events of the 1990’s requires examination and introduction into the scientific discourse. The Russian, Serbian and British-American press devoted to wars in the countries of former Yugoslavia can be conditionally divided into three groups based on their attitude to the ongoing events: conservative, liberal and objectivistic.

Keywords: North Atlantic Alliance, UN peacekeeping missions, humanitarian intervention, Srebrenica, Kosovo and Metohija, Republika Srpska, Republic of Serbian Krajina, publicism, Yugoslav wars, ethnic cleansing

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2021.4.36324

Abstract: Being one of the world's leading powers the Russian Federation is the “constructor” of the modern world order, as well as the beneficiary of the modern system of international relations; therefore, peacekeeping holds the key position in foreign policy of the Russian Federation. Russia's contribution to the development of peacekeeping activity and settlement of military conflicts not only designates the role of the Russian Federation in international relations, but also characterizes the capability of the entire international system to face against military conflicts. This substantiates the relevance of studying the degree of participation of the Russian Federation in peacekeeping operations and settling military conflicts. Comprehensive analysis is conducted on the actions of the Russian Federation aimed at settling military conflicts. The conclusion is made that the Russian Federation can be engaged in settling military conflicts using traditional combat operations in most escalated part of the conflict. The capabilities and restrictions of the state form the role of the Russian Federation in settling military conflicts as traditional powerful, which in fact does not allow acting autonomously to the exclusion of other states or as a part of coalition to avoid severe diplomatic and reputational losses. Such narrow focus is justified by the current state of affairs and is not a constant at all times. For more active and full participation of the Russian Federation in settling international conflicts, it is feasible to develop the soft power components of peacekeeping activity, as well as evade the attempts of conduct peacekeeping operations outside of large intergovernmental coalitions.

Keywords: multinational coalition, Russia's peacekeeping policy, unconventional military actions, Russian foreign policy, international conflict, military conflict, peacemaking, conflict resolution, China's peacekeeping policy, US peacekeeping policy

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2021.3.36336

Abstract: As the successor state of the former superpower USSR, the Russian Federation retains its high status of the “guarantor of peace” for the entire international community due to a range of political, military and economic means, currently being on of the few “police states”. The role of police states is important to such extent that no major conflict can be settled without their participation or approval. Such status of Russia is being maintained by its military power, as well as a number of political privileges. Alongside any police state, Russia has developed its own strategy for interfering or settling the international military conflicts using the existing toolkit. This defines the relevance of analysis of the current state of the Russian range of means and tools for suppression and settlement of the conflicts. The goal of this research consists in examination of the the means available to the Russian Federation for settling military conflicts, as well as in the analysis of the state and prospects of their use in peacekeeping campaigns of the Russian Federation. It is worth noting that the Russian Federation as the successor state of the Soviet Union, and one of the members of the nuclear club and permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, retains and extends the range of tools for handling and settling military conflicts, from the preventive tools of cultural-diplomatic influence such as Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad, and International Humanitarian Cooperation (commonly known as Rossotrudnichestvo) to high-tech military weapons, which have no analogues among the overwhelming majority of participants of international relations. The presence of such rich arsenal testifies to strong peacekeeping potential of the Russian Federation; however, the currently observed inclination towards the priority of coercive tools can severely undermine the ability of the Russian Federation to settle international military conflicts.

Keywords: public dilomacy, private military corporations, soft power, Russian foreign policy, transnational corporations, international military conflict, international relations, military conflict, ciberwar, UAV

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2023.1.39917

Abstract: In the article, the author addresses the problem of conflict settlement on the Korean peninsula through the prism of interaction between the leading regional powers. This conflict is considered as one of the rudiments of the bipolar system of international relations, which has the potential for nuclear escalation in the XXI century. The author analyzes the experience of interaction between the United States, Russia and China with the countries of the Korean peninsula, highlights the priorities of these countries in the region, and also provides an overview of the most likely scenarios for the development of events, taking into account the correlation of interests of the countries of the "Korean node". Particular attention is paid to the approach of regional Powers to the nuclear aspect of the conflict in Korea. The author comes to the conclusion that the deterioration of relations between external actors involved in the resolution of this conflict has a direct negative impact on the development of the situation in the region. The low degree of convergence of interests of the parties to the conflict and the lack of coordination of actions on nuclear issues hinders the search for a compromise in resolving the Korean issue. Given the current foreign policy situation, the most likely scenario for the further development of events in the region is the consolidation of two opposing blocs Washington-Seoul-Tokyo and Beijing-Moscow-Pyongyang, which will actually consolidate the existing distribution of influence in the Northeast Asia region.

Keywords: Northeast Asia, nuclear umbrella, North Korea's nuclear program, six-party talks, China, USA, Russia, Republic of Korea, North KOREA, north Korean missile program

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2019.3.30377

Abstract: The subject of this research is the impact of the Israeli West Bank barrier upon the daily lives of Palestinians living in the West Bank of the Gaza Strip. The barrier that Israel began building in 2002, one the one hand strengthened the occupational policy and expropriation of Palestinian property, and on the other helped strengthen Israel’s security. In the everyday life, Palestinians faced not only the problem of crossing from Palestine into Israel, but also moving within the West Bank, which negatively affected the Palestinian economy. This work is based on the principles of analysis, synthesis, validity and objectiveness, while its methodological base consists of comparative analysis and systemic approach, underlined by examination of the object as a complex of interconnected elements. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the very positioning of the problem, in which the author attempts to describe the complexity of the bureaucratic system of Israel for Palestinians, who are forced to adapt to the “pass system”. The work also points out the problems faced by the inhabitants of the “restricted zones”, residing between the barrier and the “Green Line”. The author points out the consequences of the erection of the separation barrier, as well as the protests of Palestinians against the Israeli policy.

Keywords: seam zone, green line, Intifada, Israeli Wall, Gaza Strip, West Bank, Israel, PNA, israeli occupation, israeli-palestinian conflict

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.1.10061

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.1.63747

Abstract: The article concerns specific features of the modern local conflicts, which are less and less alike to the traditional wars among the states. One of the causes of modern local conflicts may be found in cheaper prices for weapons and “privatization”, when the main participants are private firms or people’s militia. In the latest decades the wars started changing their traditional forms. The classical model of war of national states, which was a defining one in the XX century, becomes historically outdated. The states lost their monopoly for waging war, and many nonstate actors came into this field, including local chiefs, partisan groups or private firms, specializing in waging war and renting soldiers, or even performing military operations. International terrorist networks capable of mobilizing a large number of their followers also start playing an important role. Many of these new actors have war as their main business on a permanent basis.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, USA, soft power, political instability, diplomacy, state, interests, security, conflict.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.4.39027

Abstract: This article examines the impact of the special military operation carried out by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine on the interaction of Russia and Spain in the scientific and educational sphere. After February 24, 2022, the number of sanctions imposed against the Russian Federation by Western countries reached record levels. Against this background, after the start of a special military operation, Russian-Spanish relations radically changed the vector of development, the consequences of these changes manifested themselves both in the economic and political fields, as well as in the cultural, scientific and educational sphere. Almost immediately, Spanish government agencies called for an immediate freeze on any scientific and educational activities between Russia and Spain. Under this influence, most Spanish universities de jure announced the suspension of cooperation with Russian universities or organizations. This research is based on a number of scientific methods, including historical, institutional, systemic, as well as the method of comparative analysis. The authors consider the situation in the field of scientific and educational cooperation between Spain and Russia that has developed since February 2022 and they come to the conclusion that if the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is persistent and prolonged, it may lead to the final closure of joint educational programs, as well as to the termination of joint scientific research and the publication of articles by Spanish and Russian scientists. At this stage, as this analysis shows, individual cases of cooperation in the educational sphere initiated before the special military operation individually find ways to continue their implementation, Russian students continue to apply and enroll in universities in Spain. However, the tendency to curtail joint scientific and educational activities prevails.

Keywords: double programs, culture, science, education, interaction, sanctions, special military operation, Ukraine, Spain, Russia

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.2.26487

Abstract: The Object of this research is the Yugoslav crisis (1990-1999), the subject of the research is perception and interpretation of the Yugoslav crisis in Russian and Foreign (Serbian, English) journalism of the 1990s – early 2000s. The author considers the attitude of domestic and foreign (Serbian and Anglo-American) journalism toward the events of the initial stage of the crisis in Yugoslavia in the 1990s, various interpretations of the prerequisites of these tragic events, examines comprehension of their contents and international significance. The article differentiates positions of Russian publicists, reveals the ideological and political foundations of the views of patriotic and liberal movements representatives, analyses the factors that influenced the perception of the crisis by Serbian and English-speaking authors. The scientific significance of the research topic lies in study of the reflection of the crisis phenomena in journalism, as well as in identification and analysis of the methods and means of its impact on public consciousness, the policy of the State. In the course of study, the author reached the following conclusion: the representatives of domestic, Serbian and Anglo-American journalism in their assessment of the prerequisites and nature of the crisis in Yugoslavia (1990-1999) mark out interethnic, ideological, foreign policy and internal factors that led to disintegration of the unified State.

Keywords: disintegration of Yugoslavia, factors of the crisis, interpretations, comparison and analysis, Yugoslav crisis, foreign journalism, domestic journalism, differentiation of positions, SFRY, Slobodan Milosevic

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.4.27813

Abstract: The article is devoted to the development of the Bolivian-Chilian territorial conflict. The subject of the research is the Bolivian-Chilian relations providing that Bolivia does not have access to the sea. The aim mof the research is to analyze the history of the problem, how it evolved and current state as well as to evaluate possible variants of the further solution of the matter and Bolivia gaining access to the sea. To achieve the research aim, the researcher has analyzed the regulatory basis of the Bolivian-Chilian relations considering the Bolivia has all rights to claim coastal areas. The research methodology includes methods of historical research, in particular, to analyze the evolution of the conflict, the author has applied the historical genetic method which has allowed to analyze the problem from the point of its origin till presence. Moreover, to accumulate and systematize empirical data, the author has applied the method of case analysis. In conclusion, the author states that long history of the problem makes it more difficult to find the solution, however, Bolivia has alternative solutions of gaining access to the sea and Bolivian government should consider these alternatives in case there aren't better resolutions of the Bolivian-Chilian dispute.

Keywords: landlocked, international court, port, conflict, coast area, Chile, Bolivia, Pacific Ocean, Hague, diplomatic relations

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.4.28227

Abstract: The object of the study is unresolved and intractable conflicts in the post-Soviet space in Europe. The subject is the stereotypical views that have emerged in the scientific literature and analytics during the study of these conflicts. First of all, from a critical point of view, the term “frozen” conflicts is analyzed, which is applied to unresolved conflicts, mainly in the post-Soviet space. In modern studies of frozen conflict, as a rule, not enough attention is paid to the terminology and the ratio of different levels of settlement, while the role of certain factors is often exaggerated. The methodology of this article is based on the principles of analysis and synthesis, historicism, comparison, objectivity and system, with which the author identifies the stereotypes that exist around the notion of “frozen” conflicts and revises them. A number of persistent myths that are associated with this term are being questioned: the very definition of conflicts of this kind as “frozen”, the crucial role in resolving a conflict of one of the levels - internal or external, as well as the idea of separatist regions as non-viable and insolvent quasi-state entities. More balanced and reasonable alternatives are offered to existing stereotypical approaches to the study of such conflicts. As a result, it is concluded that the revision of existing ideas about intractable conflicts can provide a more adequate assessment of the current situation and prospects for their resolution.

Keywords: Transnistrian conflict, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, de facto states, protracted conflicts, frozen conflicts, conflict resolution, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, post-Soviet space, European security

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.2.26560

Abstract: The object of the study is the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, its chronology and the situation that developed after the events of April, 2016. The subject of the research is disclosure of the features of the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, its impact on the inter-state relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as the outline of further prospects for resolution of the conflict. Special attention is given to exposure of the historical background of the conflict and its influence on the future development of events in the region. The author focuses on the positions of the interested parties and future prospects for the resolution of the Nagorny Karabakh conflict. The issues related to the Nagorny Karabakh conflict have been studied of K. Hajiyev, V. Huseynov, A. Krylov, S. Markedonov, S. Minasyan, and others. However, in modern works on international relations and conflict resolution the author doesn’t observe sufficient coverage of intensification of the Nagorny Karabakh conflict (April, 2016) and the prospects for its resolution at the present stage. The article is based on the principles of historicism, consistency, objectivity, the methodological basis of the study is a historical and genetic method. The main conclusion of the study is that a detailed analysis of the positions of the parties indicates that it is quite realistic to arrive at a compromise. Azerbaijan will eventually grant formal sovereignty to the NKAO which will de facto become part of Armenia. The sovereignty will be the bargaining chip between official Baku and the Western world which will find something to offer - profitable contracts on energy resources transportation or membership in NATO. The most probable situation can be defined as "sustained instability" which implies a sequence of negotiation rounds with violation of truce and armed incidents."

Keywords: foreign policy, parties concerned, political conflict, ethnoterritorial conflict, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Caucasus, regional security, Armenia, Azerbaijan, balance of power

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.16829

Abstract: Using the method of historical reconstruction, the author shows the latent causes and the neo-colonial character of the civil war in the Republic of Chad - one of the longest and the bloodiest conflicts in Africa in the post-colonial period. Comprehensive analysis of the little-known historical sources (materials of judicial and investigative journalism, evidences of well-known politicians and diplomats) allows finding out the motives and goals of many different actors of the political process in the domestic and international conflict, and estimating the perspectives of future conflict resolution. The research methodology comprises the system, structural-functional, and comparative political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, and observation. The author focuses on clarifying the role of France in the civil war in Chad outbreak, and on its policy (the "Françafrique" policy) towards other countries involved in military operations - the United States, Libya, Sudan. The author demonstrates the close connection between the events in the Republic of Chad and the war in Darfur. The study substantiates the statement that the Fifth Republic has inspired and has been supporting for a long time interconfessional and interracisl confrontation in order to maintain the economic and political preferences of Paris in this uranium-rich and strategically important region. The study was funded by RHF project number 15-01-00363, "External interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the" third world "in an era of the "Cold War ": the experience of multilevel analysis".

Keywords: geopolitics, corruption perception index, world policy, global instability, socio-political processes, diplomacy, interests, state, security, risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2013.1.62101

Abstract: The stability of the regime of Asad in Syria may be amazing to some people. While the authoritarian regime in Tunisia held for some weeks, and the regime of Moubarac in Egypt held for a little more than a month, Colonel Gaddafi fought the pressure of the insurgents and the NATO bombings for about 6 months, the regime of Asad hold on in spite of the sanctions, which last for more than a year, NATO bombings for about 6 months, armed riots in Dayr – az- Zawr and Hims and the help of the Syrian opposition from Turkey and Qatar. Moreover, judging by the demonstrations in Damask, this regime is supported by the people. The survival of this regime should be viewed within the larger context of the situation in the Middle East, as well as partially within the context of relations of the Arabian states and Iran.

Keywords: international law, international relations, foreign policy, the global order, crisis, conflict, threats, security, confrontation.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.67563

Keywords: geopolitics, corruption perception index, world policy, global instability, socio-political processes, diplomacy, interests, state, security, risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.2.19765

Abstract: The article analyzes India-Pakistan political contradictions about joint use of water resources of the Indus river basin. The author considers the dynamics of development of the conflict of interests of India and Pakistan in the water issue. The author evaluates the effectiveness of the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960 in the development of India-Pakistan water relations. The author analyzes the polar positions of the parties about the problem of use of the river basin and the objective factors affecting political stability in the region. The author formulates particular suggestions for interstate water disputes settlement. The research is based on the system, structural-functional, and historical-political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, event-analysis, case-study, observation. Despite the fact that the 1960 Treaty prevented the further escalation of regional political tension about the problem of use of water resources, the author concludes that the current objective realia and subjective factors make the parties reconsider the treaty. Upon the new Indian government coming to power, there’s a possibility of a constructive settlement of water and energy conflict in the Indus river basin. The author believes it would be reasonable to involve China in the process of negotiations.

Keywords: SCO, hydropower industry, the Indus River, China, Pakistan, India, national interests, cross-border water resources, conflict of interests, political stability

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25258

Abstract: The article analyzes the geostrategic interests of Russia related to recognition of independence of South Ossetia (RSO) with due regard to the "Kosovo precedent". The author substantiates the significance of the region for Russia as well as the role of Russia in ensuring regional security; he analyses the relations between Russia and the RSO through the prism of Russian-Georgian relations. Changes in the political situation in the region are caused by civilizational processes that were formed in the Soviet era and created a latent conflict situation which has turned into an open phase. Despite the future of the RSO as an independent state is unclear, recognition of the RSO sovereignty by Moscow has strengthened its position in the Caucasus and limited presence of foreign troops in the region. The author applies a set of methods: historical (dynamics of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and Russian-Georgian relations development); institutional (interaction of the South Ossetian institutions with international actors); comparative analysis (comparison of specific issues of the development of situation around the RSO and Kosovo); systematic and sociological methods. The scientific novelty of the article lies in an attempt to consider the scenarios for evolution of the situation around the RSO given the actions of all interested actors. The task of the world community is to find solutions to the conflict, the task of Russia is to convince the international community that the RSO can be an independent state. Russia's withdrawal from the conflict zone will lead to aggravation of the situation. Russia should strengthen its geopolitical influence by participation in regional integration projects and by using its potential to strengthen the status of a geopolitical center. Involvement of the region into Russia's sphere of influence is extremely unprofitable for the United States and the EU from the geopolitical point of view. The development of the region is possible only on the basis of the principles of peace and mutual respect.

Keywords: minerals , investments , geopolitics , military bases, cooperation, geostrategic interests, ethnic conflict, independence, energy resources , South Ossetia

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70153

Abstract: The article is devoted to the study of the dynamics of the position of the Chinese leadership on the issue of ownership of the water area and marine facilities in the South China Sea. The purpose of the proposed study is to determine the specifics of China's position on the key issue of regional security in Southeast Asia. The objectives of this work are to consider the historical and economic prerequisites affecting the policy of the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea; to study the dynamics of China's diplomatic conflict with regional countries over sovereignty over the waters in the South China Sea, as well as to interpret China's approaches to solving this issue. The author considers the approach of Chinese diplomacy as a derivative of increasing China's role in global governance, which entails changes in both the regional subsystem and the global system of international relations. The study uses historical-comparative, historical-typological and problem-chronological methods, which allowed the author to study the PRC's approach to protecting its national interests in the South China Sea with a special focus on innovations introduced into China's approach due to the increasing complexity of systemic challenges for China. The relevance of this study is related to a change in the tactics of Chinese diplomacy towards more focused and tougher rhetoric, emphasizing intransigence with baseless attacks by Western countries and manipulations with the vulnerability of indigenous Chinese interests. The researcher concludes that the main task of the PRC today is to assert its influence in the South China Sea through close cooperation with ASEAN countries and strengthening regional cooperation in the South China Sea region. In view of the US desire to curb China's growth and prevent it from gaining a foothold in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, Beijing adheres to the tactics of negotiating a comprehensive Code of Conduct in the South China Sea with simultaneous unilateral economic development of the islands and waters of the South China Sea. This approach will lead to the creation of a stable and mutually beneficial regional order in East Asia.

Keywords: ASEAN, security in the Asia-Pacific region, Paracel Islands, Spratly Islands, Southeast Asia, territorial conflicts, USA, South China Sea, diplomacy, China

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.11280

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.65928

Abstract: In the late 2010 – the early 2011 the waves of protest spread in the countries of the Arab world, which had been caused by, at first sight, different reasons, but were directed against the ruling elites. In 2011 in Libya the political crisis dramatically worsened, being complicated by the American and the European military interference. The confrontation in Libya resulted in the overthrow of Gaddafi and consequently the dramatic economic decline, which developed in the collapse of the state. This article reviews and analyzes the factors of inner and external economic development, and the results of Libyan foreign trade. The analysis of the economic parameters, such as the budget structure, the balance of trade, the financial condition from the point of view of monetary structure, correlation of foreign and internal assets, reserves, capital movement vectors of Libya, gives the opportunity to reveal the interrelation between their dynamics and a potential threat to the state stability.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, the USA, Libya, economics, conflict, Gaddafi, finances, budget, national interests.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2019.2.29878

Abstract: The subject of this research is the conflict between Syria and Israel over the sovereignty of Golan Heights, pertaining to US President’s Donald Trump’s decree on recognition of Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights, against the UN’s decision. The Golan Heights were Syrian territory until 1967, when during the Six-Day War they were captured by Israel and later annexed. The annexation, which took place in 1981, was not recognized by the international community – the corresponding UN Security Council resolution denied Israel’s sovereignty over the land. The authors examined the historical stages of the conflict between Syria and Israel over the Golan Heights territory, analyzed its progression, substantiated the reasons for the region’s strategic importance, as well as made conclusions on the potential consequences of Washington’s decision that violated all norms of international law. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the fact that authors employed not only commonly known historical fact, but also testimonies of eyewitnesses of the Judgment Day and citizens of Syrian Golan Heights. Due to these testimonies, analysis is conducted and conclusions are made on why the Golan Heights region carries such strategic importance for both Syria and Israel.

Keywords: International law, Middle East, Israel, UN, Benjamin Netanyahu, Donald Trump, Golan Heights, Syria, The Yom Kippur War, Russia

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2013.2.62706

Abstract: Syria, which is one of the most ancient states in the world and the cradle of our civilization, is now undergoing a hard and bloody time. One might remember a TV report from Syria, which took place about 2 years ago. It was a talk between a TV reporter with a regular Syrian family. The eyes of a woman were full of worry and pain, and she asked “Shall what is now going on in Libya come to us too?” And it did. Or to be more precise, it was brought with support of money and arms of the Saudi and Qatar Sheikhs.

Keywords: political science, Syria, civil war, international relations, international conflicts, politics, Assad, strategy 4GW, information warfare, interests.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.3.19317

Abstract: The article studies interstate contradictions caused by the use of transborder water resources in the Tigris River basin in the context of arid climate and the maldistribution of resources. In the context of hydrotechnic projects realization in the river basin, the author analyzes the development of the conflict of interests between littoral states based on the distribution of regional water resources. The article considers the dynamics of development of relations between Turkey (the head river state) and the states on the middle (Syria) and the lower course (Iraq, Iran), and Turkey’s policy aimed at the realization of large scale water projects on the Tigris River. The author notes that regional water resources serve both as a political pressure instrument and a military instrument. The author applies the method of history and political science, the comparative method, component analysis and event-analysis to study the dynamics of development of water relations in the Tigris River basin. The author concludes that the addition of water contradictions to the ethno-confessional ones, territorial contradictions, Turkey’s egoistic water policy, along with the absence of multilateral basin agreement, lead to the worsening of political situation in the region. With account for a tense military and political situation, these factors can “explode” the region and destabilize the neighboring post-Soviet states.

Keywords: Islamic state, political instability, climate change, water policy, basin agreement, hydrotechnic projects, hydroegoism, transborder water resources, interstate conflicts, international relations

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.3.68172

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.4.12615

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.4.65636

Abstract: This article is devoted to the history and traditions of the development of the Russian-Argentinian relationship. Special attention is paid to the development of the commercial, economic and technical connections, the growing mutual understanding between the countries, their desire to expand and strengthen their cooperation. The subject of the bilateral relations between Argentina and Russia is now frequently discussed, not suddenly and not immediately after the notable visit paid by President of the Russian Federation V. V. Putin to Argentina in July 2014, which was taking place against the background of general activation of the Russian-Latin American relations in recent years and of the escalation of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013-1014, as well as the introduction of sanctions. The methodological base of this research is the systematic, structural and functional, comparative historic and comparative political approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, and observation. Facts, especially those which have taken place in recent years, most evidently demonstrate the dynamic nature of the development of the Russian- Argentinian relations, their potential, the growing understanding between the parties on the key problems of today. In 2015, it will be 130 years since the diplomatic relationship between Russia and Argentina was established, this undoubtedly serves as a good reason for not only totaling all the pluses of this relationship, but also for outlining the new prospects and opportunities, further strengthening the mutual understanding between the parties in various areas.