International relations - rubric World politics

Abstract: Throughout the latest decades the Latin America is traditionally viewed as a region, where the “Leftist” influence is strong, and it is also reflected upon the Latin American Catholicism, which has formed its own theological tradition — “the liberation theology”. To what extent is one to discuss the “left turn” in the Latin America and what is the fortune of the “left” theological tradition in the subcontinental state? What is the position of the Catholic Church on this issue? The failure of the neo-liberal experiment in the Latin America in 1990s has ended in the socalled “left turn” in the subcontinent in the later period. The 1990s have became the time of a new turn of historical development of the Latin America, and it was based upon the attempt to acquire democratic values in the conditions of radical economic reforms. In fact by the start of the last decade of the XX century, all of the Latin American states were developing without dictators for the first time in its history, and the constitutional representative democracy regimes ruled in almost all of the Latin American states, except Cuba and Haiti (military dictators in the period between 1991 and 1994). The new democratic regimes were to an extent formal due to the specific features of the regional development as well as the political historical heritage (presidential republics, electoral apathy, lack of legal culture, etc.). The situation was made worse by the active neo-liberal reforms in economics, which lead to marginalization and poverty among a large portion of the population.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Latin America, church, political instability, diplomacy, state, interests, values, cooperation.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2013.3.8879

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.1.10059

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.1.63741

Abstract: This article concerns a novel direction in the public diplomacy — digital diplomacy, which uses social networks, such as Twitter as its main instruments. The goal of this article is to analyze the capabilities of digital diplomacy and its influence upon the international relations. The author also attempted to find the place of digital diplomacy in public diplomacy as well as its role in the political life of the diplomats. In last several years the talks began in the diplomatic circles on the novel sphere in the public diplomacy — the digital diplomacy. Within the framework of the post-Westphalian system of international relation in the world dominated by the non-governmental organizations, and sensations are no longer the prerogative of the global establishment the need to use other types of media in addition to traditional ones grew considerably. Once the people gained an opportunity to be informed of global events 24/7, the political technologists of the international statehoods were challenged by the mass media. The global time zones and distances vanished and the information became accessible in any place in the world, and, more importantly, it has became decentralized, and it is hard to single out one or two main providers of information, while for any information resource it is easy to find an analog or an opposing source.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, digital diplomacy, soft power, social networks, Internet, twitter, interests, values, security.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2023.3.43576

Abstract: The object of the study is the policy of Russia and China on international platforms in the sphere of global governance. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of Russia's and China's policy within the framework of international associations with the example of Russian-Chinese interaction in the G20. The aim of the study is to identify common positions of Russia and China on global governance issues, as well as the role of the two countries in defining the global development agenda and solving pressing problems of the international community. The author analyses the dynamics of interaction between Russia and China within the framework of the G20 summits from 2008 to 2022 and the changing approaches of the two countries to global governance and the vision of a new international order, as well as identifies the place of the two countries in the formation of a new agenda for the development of cooperation within the G20. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the paper attempts to conceptualise Russian-Chinese cooperation within the G20 from the perspective of shaping a non-Western discourse on the new international order. The study analyses the significance of such global challenges as the 2008 financial crisis, the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and the worsening of the Ukrainian crisis in 2022 for the G20 and Russian-Chinese cooperation within this association. The study concludes that during the 2008-2022 period, the G20 has witnessed a trend of strengthening the voice of developing states, primarily Russia and China, which has actualised the agenda of inclusiveness and multipolarity as the basis of a new international order. However, as a result of these global challenges, there is a threat of antagonism between Western and non-Western approaches to global governance, which calls into question the current potential of the G20 to achieve consensus on key international issues.

Keywords: environmental agenda, global trade, global challenges, inclusiveness, global governance, G20, China, Russia, digital trade, global security

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.17131

Abstract: This article is devoted to the comparative analysis of federalism in Australia and Canada. The research object is the modern federalism as the organizing principle of the Union State and the federal structure of Australia and Canada. The research subject is the similarities and differences in the models of the Federation of Australia (Commonwealth of Australia) and Canada (which is a constitutional monarchy and, at the same time, a federal state). The purpose of the research is to identify the major similarities and differences between the models of federal state in Australia and Canada.The methodological basis of the research is the system, structural and functional, and comparative political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, and observation.The author draws attention to the fact that federalism in Australia, as opposed to federalism in Canada, is more harmonious and balanced, despite the similar conditions of states creating and taking into account their common colonial past. At the same time, the Australian federalism is characterized by a number of paradoxes which differ the Australian model from the Canadian one and condition its internal inconsistency.

Keywords: geopolitics, federalism, world policy, global instability, international relations, diplomacy, interests, state, security, risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.67553

Keywords: geopolitics, federalism, world policy, global instability, international relations, diplomacy, interests, state, security, risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.12215

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.2.25859

Abstract: The authors of the article focus on the efforts of the Republic of Turkey to strengthen its position in the Middle East. The subject of the study is the tools and mechanisms used by Ankara in pursuit of its own foreign policy interests in the region. Such mechanisms as military operations in the territory of the neighbouring States, military exercises, military bases construction, attraction of investment in their own economy, direct investment in the economy of the States in the region, as well as provision of humanitarian aid are the focus of the authors' attention. The article places a heavy emphasis on the impact and emerging trends connected with the use of these tools. Given absence of Turkey's open foreign policy conception, the authors refer to such applied methods of political analysis as a content and event analysis as well as a comparative analysis to consider the implemented tools and to identify the existing trends. The scientific novelty of the study lies in introduction of Turkey's foreign policy instruments classification according to the spheres of their application. The main conclusion of the study is as follows: Turkey applies a full range of available foreign policy mechanisms and tools to create a favourable configuration of the Middle East and pursues an independent foreign policy based on its own national interests.

Keywords: humanitarian aid, the Persian Gulf, foreign policy tools, Syria, Irak, AKP, the Middle East, Turkey, military operations, coup attempt

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.65918

Abstract: The article touches upon the range of urgent aspects, related to the cooperation between India and the USA in the sphere of atomic energetics. The author attempts to analyze the agreement, signed between New Delhi and Washington in 2008 and called the “123 Agreement” or the “Nuclear Bargain”. The article reveals the range of prerequisites, impelling India to cooperate with the USA more closely, gives the examples of Washington’s aggressive politics, affecting New Delhi’s foreign policy in the light of the agreement signed. 1. The source study analysis is used in relation to the legislative and office work sources; 2. The chronological method is used in order to reveal the peculiarities of foreign and domestic policy of India changes, directed at provision of its own and regional security; 3. The situational analysis helps to reconstruct particular events in the development of the problem of regional security, and the attempts to settle the conflicts in the region according to the legislative and office work sources and Mass Media; 4. The system approach is used to analyze the problem as a complex, dynamic and integral phenomenon on the base of the analysis of the elements interdependency separately and in complex; 5. The quantitative analysis allows revealing the interconnection of the processes, taking place on the domestic arena, with political and economic component of foreign policy; 6. The comparative method helps to trace the peculiarity of India and the USA relations with the states-partners and the states, potentially threatening their security in general. After the Bharatya Janata Party and its leader Narendra Modi coming to power in India in 2014 the question of continuation of cooperation between New Delhi and Washington has been raising, first of all in the sphere of energy. The topicality of the research can also be explained by the fact that due to the crisis in Ukraine and worsening of relations between Moscow and Washington, the USA can repeat the attempts to strengthen their positions in South Asian region, particularly on the Indian direction, remaining one of traditional and the most important directions for Russia.

Keywords: international relations, nuclear industry, energy supply, energy security, NSG, IAEA, the 123 Agreement, the Nuclear Bargain, India, the USA

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2019.3.28924

Abstract: France is currently one of the leading players in the global arms market. Its MIC is capable of producing various types of military technology, while its order portfolio amounts to billions. The government plays a major role in this trade and treats arms sales as a valuable political vector. This article expands on the essence of French approach towards arms exports and explores its key principles and priorities. The work touches on such characteristic traits as regional sales structure. The work is structured on case-study methods, with utilization of comparative historical analysis. It starts with general positions relied upon by the French government in its arms exports policy, then their practical implementation on the example of Near East Arab countries (the region with the most of its MIC clients). The authors determined that French policy regarding arms exports is based on at least two theses: 10 arms exports is an additional source of revenue for the military industry of the country; 20 sales of military technology can help establish relations with other countries.

Keywords: Saudi Arabia, Emmanuel Macron, defence industry, defence cooperation, strategic autonomy, foreign policy, arms trade, France, Qatar, Egypt

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.17694

Abstract: The study is carried out by the department of sociology and psychology of politics of the faculty of political science of Moscow State University. The research is focused on the image of the EU as it is apprehended by the Russian citizens in the period of straining relations between Russia and the EU. The authors have carried out the survey and offered the respondents to answer the following questions: Do you consider the EU as a partner, an enemy, or a friend of Russia? Do you consider the EU as a strong and effective actor on the international scene? How do you estimate the anti-Russian sanctions of the EU? The analysis of the answers led the authors to the particular conclusions. The research methodology is based on the system, structural-functional, comparative-political approaches, the methods of political sociology and political psychology, analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, and observation. The image of the EU is notable for its ambivalence and instability. The main conclusion lies in the fact that most respondents consider the EU as a strong but a gradually weakening under the American influence “decorative union”. The image has the signs of ageing. Most people see the EU as a partner. But many respondents are disappointed in it as in a partner, and think that it is unreliable and unfaithful. Approximately a quarter of the respondents consider the EU as an enemy, and only a small number of people see it as a friend. At the same time, the respondents don’t see the alternative to good neighbourly relations and partnership in future. Moreover, most respondents see Russia as a part of Europe.

Keywords: perception, images, Russia, European Union, Russian citizens, sanctions, international scene, state, security, risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.67554

Keywords: perception, images, Russia, European Union, Russian citizens, sanctions, international scene, state, security, risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.12475

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.65919

Abstract: The object of the research is the role of the international institutions – the UN (as a bearer of international law), NATO, positioning itself as a guarantor of security, and the EU as a regional leader – in the fortunes of partly recognized states of Kosovo, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transdniestria. In the age of globalization new space and new frameworks of action appear: politics goes beyond the state borders, causing the emergence of new actors, new roles, new resources, unknown rules, new contradictions and conflicts. Therefore it is necessary to act within the institutions’ frameworks, since it allows raising awareness, reducing transactional expenses, and opens new opportunities. The research is based on the system method which gives the opportunity to find correlations between the interacting elements and to reveal the “rules” of such interaction, and to provide integration and systematization of the data collected. The choice is made in favor of the comparative approach, particularly the case oriented comparison, allowing the author to consider the specific features of the abovementioned cases. The historical approach is also used, since it is necessary for the adequate understanding of the international institutions level of participation in these processes. Moreover, for the analysis of state-building in unrecognized or partially recognized states the author uses the institutional approach which made it possible on the one hand to evaluate the institutions’ influence on the political process, and on the other hand, to understand the specificity of their functioning with account taken of the influence of informal norms and practices. The scientific originality of the article is explained by the fact that the author attempts to objectively evaluate the actions of international organizations in relation to unrecognized states on the example of Kosovo, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transdniestria, and offers his own “recipes” of elaboration of a more rational approach to them on the base of the facts reported in the article.

Keywords: international institutions, declaration of sovereignty, strategy, Kosovo, Abkhazia, Transdniestria, the UN, unrecognized states, NATO, the EU.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.4.25003

Abstract: The subject of this study is effectiveness of traditional financial sanctions which, along with the arms embargo and travel ban, are considered the main type of targeted sanctions that, unlike the comprehensive sanctions, have a selective effect. One group of scientists views financial sanctions as a promising means of international influence which has already demonstrated its effectiveness, whereas the other one considers them a measure that has extremely scattered effect. In the context of this dispute, identification and systematization of the problems accompanying the application of financial sanctions should become an urgent task. To achieve this objective, the author refers to the content analysis of specialized scientific literature on the economic instruments of political influence, to comparing the consequences of comprehensive and targeted sanctions, as well as to a study of specific situations that confirm the basic assumptions. The author came to the conclusion that conventional financial sanctions (despite their widespread application in international practice) can not be regarded as an effective instrument of influence, especially given further multilateral globalization of the world. This conclusion is derived from the fact that they give rise to problems of implementation, evasion and side effect. That is why today the leading actors of world politics are trying to expand the list of financial sanctions including measures that require activity in cyberspace.

Keywords: financial sanctions , comprehensive sanctions , targeted sanctions, smart sanctions, sanctions efficiency, foreign policy tools , humanitarian consequences of sanctions, asset freezing , world politics , international political influence

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.3.38008

Abstract: The activities of transnational business have already become an integral part of the global political and economic development, affecting integration processes in the world. However, the dichotomy of relations between a state and TNC in the context of trans-regional development is not fully understood. The article analyzes the consequences of quantitative and qualitative strengthening of TNC in the world political processes on the example of four major trans-regional projects - the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Trans-Pacific Trade and Investment Partnership, European Union and MERCOSUR Free Trade Agreement, the Belt and Road Initiative. The authors define the tools promoting each project, which reflect the nature of interaction between states and TNC at the trans-regional level. In addition, the study highlights various objectives of TNC participation in a particular trans-regional association, as well as appropriate resources for the implementation of their interests, which can generally be divided into economic, political and image. To answer the question on how states and transnational business interdepend not only in trans-regional processes but also in the world economy, the authors, based on the practice of modern world politics, construct models of the relationship between states and business and come to the conclusion that the type of interaction these actors use largely depends on states internal political system, as well as their foreign policy goals. Nevertheless, despite the increasing role of TNC as an influential actor in world politics, at the moment it is premature to declare that they are completely independent from states.

Keywords: world economy, big business, world politics, government and business, Belt and Road, EU-MERCOSUR, TTIP, TTP, transregionalism, TNK

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.12744

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.1.65920

Abstract: On 28th July exactly 100 years ago, Central Europe declared a war to Eastern Europe, an event that marked the official outbreak of World War I. This was a turning point which finally fractured a fragile equilibrium of La Belle Èpoque, and set the Old Continent and the whole world with it into the series of motions that lasted for almost a century, before docking us to our post-modern societies. From WWI to www. too smooth and too good to be true? Let us use this occasion and briefly examine our post-modernity and some fallacies surrounding it. In the (Brave New) world of www. where, irrespectively from your current location on the planet, at least 20 intelligence agencies are notifying the incoming call before your phone even rings up, how is it possible to lose jumbo-jet for good? The two huge aviation tragedies affecting same country – Malaysia, are yet another powerful reminders that we are obsessed with a control via confrontation, not at all with the prosperity through human safety. Proof? Look at the WWI-like blame-game over the downing of the plane – a perfect way to derail our most important debate: Which kind of future do we want? Who seats in our cockpit and why do we stubbornly insist on inadequate civilizational navigation?! Consequently, Ukraine today is a far bigger crash site, which is – regrettably enough – well beyond an ill-fated MH 17.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Ukraine, Russia, the USA, crisis, Boeing, sanctions, conflict, security.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.17814

Abstract: The research object is Trans-Pacific Partnership, the research subject is the reasons and the aims of creating a new trade block. The aim of the study is to outline the possible political and economic consequences of the emergence of a new large regional association for the world economy and politics. The author studies the history of the Partnership’s creation, the set of its member-states and their interests, according to the promulgated text of the treaty and the analysis of the existing balance of power in the region. Special attention is paid to the USA as an initiator of the new block and its “Pacific shift” and the countries whose interests are affected but not taken into account – China and Russia. The research methodology is based on the historical, system, and comparative-political methods, political and economic analysis, the methods of induction, deduction, and observation. The author notes that the USA have launched the shift in the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region aimed at the weakening of their main rival in the region, China, and at the preservation of a unipolar world and financial system based on the American currency. The creation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership may lead to the split of the region into the opposing blocks and to the escalation of tensions.

Keywords: Trans-Pacific Partnership, world economy, international relations, territorial conflicts, geopolitics, cooperation, transport corridor, transnational corporations, international trade regulations, international monetary system

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.35120

Abstract: The object of this research is the sustainable development of the Canadian Arctic. The subject of this research is the interaction between the government and the indigenous population of Canada in relation to the development of social infrastructure of the Arctic region and protection of the interests of northerners living in this territory. The goal lies in determination of common ground between the indigenous population of Canada and the governing administration of the country through consideration of the official state documents that establish the rights and freedoms of the indigenous people and their role in the formation of the Arctic agenda. The analysis of correspondence of the government objectives towards the indigenous peoples with the process of their implementation in modern reality draws particular interest. The acquired results lie in the analysis of planning policy of Canada and examination of the practical activity of the state pertinent to the development of the Arctic and its population. The author’s special contribution lies in the universal approach towards consideration of the sociopolitical component of purposeful transformation of the Arctic into the region with exceptional prospects for the future fundamental changes in the public sphere, as well as global cooperation within the framework of the activity of international organizations that regulate relations in the Arctic not only through the official representatives of the Canadian State, but also through the delegates of indigenous peoples who defend their own rights and freedoms on the international level.

Keywords: foreign policy, rights and freedoms, international cooperation, indigenous people, North, Canada, Arctic, domestic policy, security, sovereignty

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.67555

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.17848

Abstract: The paper is devoted to the contemporary far-left parties in the EU member-states and their comparison. The research object is far-left parties in the European countries. The research subject is the ways of their transformation since the late 1980s till the present. The paper is aimed at studying the modern condition of far-left parties in the countries of the European Union and their prospects. The author defines a far-left party, describes the factors which influenced the way of its development and promoted the electoral success of the European far-left parties. The research methodology is based on the comparative method; the author also applies the analysis of the scientific literature in this sphere, party documents and election results. In the last 25 years European far-left parties have experienced the period of crisis and transformation. By the present moment they’ve managed to adapt to the new conditions and to fine their niche within the European party systems. Several types of far-left parties have formed. They still need to analyze the new social phenomena and processes and to develop the modern programme which would reflect the ideas about radical but realizable transformations to form the society which would be an alternative to the existing one.

Keywords: far-left parties, European Union, communist parties, radical left, left socialist parties, left, political parties, ecosocialist parties, post-communist parties, far-left paties

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.67556

Keywords: far-left parties, European Union, communist parties, radical left, left socialist parties, left, political parties, ecosocialist parties, post-communist parties, far-left paties

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.1.22095

Abstract: The article studies the issues of strategic partnership within the Russia-China-USA triangle in the context of the existing security threats in Asia Pacific and the peculiarities of the counties’ diplomacy. The research object is the foreign policy of the regional great powers: the USA, China and Russia. The research subject is the peculiarities of the current foreign policy and diplomacy of these countries in Asia Pacific. The authors study the character of the foreign policy of Russia, China and the USA, and define the forthcoming changes on the global stage. special attention is given to such issues as the “public diplomacy” of the USA, the impact of “soft power”, Russia’s diplomacy in response to the sanctions, imposed by the USA and the EU, etc. The authors note the peculiarities of development of China’s diplomacy and the country’s attitude towards the new American president. The authors conclude about the forthcoming changes of the policy and the interests of the countries in this region. The authors’ approach consists in the system analysis of political events and the results of political actions of the parties concerned, aimed at analyzing the character of the foreign policies of Russia, China and the USA within the mentioned threats and defining the prospects of relations strengthening within the Russia-China-USA triangle in the context of political changes (first of all, in the USA), the “public diplomacy”, “soft power” and other factors. The authors conclude that the current situation in Asia Pacific is characterized by the struggle for control over geopolitical space between the USA, Russia and China with possible involvement of small and medium states in three “cold” conflicts, very serious from the positon of military potentials of the opposing parties. The study can serve as a basis for the future comparative analysis with account for the common features of Asia Pacific strategies of the USA, China and Russia.

Keywords: strategic partnership, public diplomacy, soft power, great power, foreign policy, Russia, China, U.S., BRICS, regional security

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2023.3.43832

Abstract: This work is devoted to the study of the factor of the People’s Republic of China in the changing geopolitical reality (1991–2022). The subject of the study is the factor of the People’s Republic of China in the changing geopolitical reality since the end of the Cold War. The aim of the study is to determine the role of the People’s Republic of China in changing the international world order. In order to achieve the previously stated goal, a number of main tasks are set: to identify the causes of the defeat of the USSR in the Cold War and its disintegration; to analyze the consequences of the disintegration of the USSR; to determine the reasons for the growth of the PRC in the international arena; to describe methods, the implementation of which led to the growth of the People’s Republic of China; to consider the Chinese factor in the changing geopolitical situation. The main conclusions of the study is the identification of the People’s Republic of China’s factor in the changing geopolitical situation is the position of the economic and technological pioneer of the reconstruction of the world arena, which is dominated by the US and its allies.

Keywords: OBOR, BRICS, SCO, Economics, Geopolitics, Globalism, USA, CPR, China, Cold War

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.17897

Abstract: The paper considers the new tactics of the U.S. foreign policy strategy in relation to Central Asian states in the context of the change of the international geopolitical situation and the strengthening of Russia’s position on the global scene. The research subject is the influence of the American geopolitical strategy on the condition and development of state-to-state relations of the U.S. and Central Asian states and political stability in this region. The author evaluates the American tactics of “nonpublic diplomacy” and the new form of state-to-state interaction between the United States and Central Asia. The author applies the system-functional approach and event-analysis of foreign policy activities of the Unites States in Central Asia. The author concludes that the U.S. are aspiring to strengthen their positions in Central Asia, offering the states the new format of international interaction. Taking into account the increased strategic importance of Central Asian region and the successes of Russia’s diplomacy and the increase of Russia’s political influence in the world, the United States consider Central Asia as a strategically important region for implementing their national interests.

Keywords: international relations, U.S. foreign policy strategy, national interests, Big Central Asia , New Silk Road, political stability, national safety, Central Asian region, Russia's diplomacy, C5+1 format

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.67557

Keywords: international relations, U.S. foreign policy strategy, national interests, Big Central Asia, New Silk Road, political stability, national safety, Central Asian region, C5+1 format

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25402

Abstract: For today's global politics the strategic partnership between Russia and China is growing important including their cooperation within international global and regional organisations. The countries most actively cooperate within The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Despite the initial unity of these countries' opinions regarding the development of SCO, currently they face disagreements that became clear when India and Pakistan joined SCO in 2015. The aim of the present research is to describe the process of interaction between these two countries as part of The Shanghai Cooperation Organization after India and Pakistan joined it. To achieve the aim, the author of the article nalyzed the legal basis of their bilateral relations, main achievements and problems arising in the process of their interaction, uniting factors and points of disagreements between China and Russia as part of SCO, and their views on India and Pakistan joining The Organisation. The methodological basis of the research included analytical and systems approaches. Such methodology allowed a more argumented and objective analysis of the problem, in particular, what causes differences in opinions of Rusia and China as part of SCO. The author also applied the method of comparison to analyze approaches of different scientists on defining geopolitical interests of states in the region and international system in general. The author concludes that SCO activity still remains one of the most important bilateral interaction mechanism in the region and promotes development of the Central Asian Region and reduction of their security issues despite certain differences in opinions between the states.

Keywords: Pakistan, India, Strategic partnership, SCO, International system, Multipolar world, China, Russia, Sticking points, Complementarity

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.34079

Abstract: The subject of the study is the analysis of the results of Donald Trump's tenure as president in the period from 2017 to 2020. The object of the study is the crisis of the political system and its impact on the domestic policy of President Donald Trump in the period from 2017 to 2020. The main purpose of the work is to study the activities of the non-systemic President of the United States of America Donald Trump in the period 2017-2020 to analyze the beginning of the deepening crisis of the American political system. In this work, the author used such methods as analysis, synthesis of information from documents, methods of generalization and construction of analogies to formulate conclusions, general scientific methods of induction and deduction, problem-chronological and comparative-historical methods. В The scientific novelty of this study is due to a new source base. Firstly, the research paper shows more fully than in other works of Russian authors the factors that led the United States of America to the beginning of a deep crisis of the American political system. Secondly, for the first time, a qualitative analysis of Donald Trump's populist views was carried out. Thirdly, on the basis of the studied material, an independent forecast of the prospects for the re-election of Donald Trump for a second presidential term has been compiled. The results of the conducted research prove that: to date, no alternative way out of the crisis state of the political system has been found. On the basis of an independent study, the factors that influenced the deepening of the crisis of the US political system have been identified. The deepening of the crisis of the American political system was caused by intraparty division based on the ideological polarity of the Democratic and Republican parties, the populist position of Donald Trump expressed in the growing authoritarianism of the presidential power, the free internal political will of the president-elect, the inability of the president-elect to find optimal political mechanisms for solving domestic and foreign policy issues.

Keywords: populism, crisis of the political system, internal party division, Democratic Party, Republican Party, democracy, Donald Trump, United States of America, non-system president, the deep state

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.18132

Abstract: The factor of power is an important prerequisite of the EU’s competitiveness as a global actor and its stability. The authors analyze the power factor transformation in the EU’s policy since the creation of the common European project till the present time; define the role of the factor of power and its aspects (“hard power”, “soft power”, “normative power”) in the contemporary foreign policy of the EU; consider the main instruments of implementation of the power potential of the Union as a global political and economic actor. The authors apply the historical method, comparative analysis, discourse analysis and other general scientific research methods. The paper reveals the transformation character of the power factor in the foreign policy strategy of the EU and defines the role of the factor of power and its aspects (“hard” and “soft” power) in the contemporary foreign policy of the EU. The historical analysis if the stages of the power factor transforming in the common European policy shows that the EU’s foreign policy is based on “soft power” reflecting the values and the ideals typical for the European sociocultural and political life. In spite of the fact that “soft power” is the key source of authority for the EU, based on the cultural and civilizational code and the normative power, in strategic and geopolitical issues the EU actively applies the instruments of “hard” power copying the foreign policy “habitus” of the national state.

Keywords: soft power, hard power, normative power, EU, European Union, factor of power, foreign policy of the EU, smart power, political realism, political idealism

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.1.67558

Keywords: soft power, hard power, normative power, EU, European Union, factor of power, foreign policy of the EU, smart power, political realism, political idealism

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.21443

Abstract: The subject of the present study is the crisis of the Russia-EU relations triggered by the Ukrainian issue in the context of the development of the Eastern Partnership. Marking out the main directions of the Russian expert discourse on the problematics of the Eastern Partnership, the author emphasizes their the most important aspects and through the lens of the key theses analyzes the differences between the European and Eurasian integration processes competing for political loyalty of the Eastern partners in the zone of Russia's traditional vital interests. However, the author highlights that the current Russian-European crisis was preceded by the accumulation of deeper structural root causes. In this connection, special attention is paid to the analysis of both the key crisis factors and possible scenarios for the post-crisis development of Russian-European relations through the imminent reorientation of the Eastern Partnership program. In this scenario the author underlines the colossal potential of the participating countries as an interactive and transit platform for the rapprochement of the two integration projects,rather than their mutual opposition. In the article the author is guided by the categories of non-functional regionalism in its broad interpretation within which the geopolitical processes under study are viewed from the position of regional integration associations. In addition, the study used an interdisciplinary approach which contributed to conduction of a more comprehensive analysis of the key crisis factors that led to deterioration of the Russia-EU relations. Within the framework of this article the author comes to several conclusions the main of which are the following theses: 1) The Ukrainian crisis was only a trigger for complication of the Russian-European relations. The real root causes were the structural processes that took place in Europe, which created conditions for aggravation of the relations between Russia and the European Union. 2) The root causes of the intra-European crisis are more complex and less obvious, but jointly they have created all conditions for both the predicted further growth of EU-scepticism and the loss of attractiveness of the European integration model itself. 3) There are at least four main scenarios for further development of the Russian-European relations, which one way or another are tied to the Ukrainian issue. 4) The policy of opposing Russia and the European Union has demonstrated its counterproductive nature, therefore, in policy-making circles of the EU and Russia there is a growing awareness of the need to reconcile, restore mutual trust and seek common ground. 5) Undoubtedly, the Eastern Partnership project has a future, but Brussels should revise its format in order to update its principles and tools in accordance with the requirements of the current international conjuncture. 6) The countries belonging to the Eastern Partnership should not become an object of geopolitical competition, but a territory for combining the two integration projects, thus enhancing the economic effect of their convergence.

Keywords: European Union , Eastern Partnership , EEU , Ukrainian crisis , institutional integration, Association agreement, anti-Russian sanctions, Wider Europe, USA, Russia

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.37687

Abstract: Subject of the study: the soft power of the United States in relation to the French Republic.The object of the study is the US-EU relations during the presidency of Donald Trump.For this study, the most relevant research methods are the retrospective method, which allows us to assess the changes that have occurred in D. Trump's foreign policy course towards Europe after his inauguration. Taking into account that the work focuses on the content of cultural, educational and other American programs implemented in Europe on the example of the French Republic, the method of content analysis was used. Among other things, a systematic approach was used in conducting research. The presidency of Donald Trump really had an ambiguous, in some aspects destructive effect on the development of a "soft-power" vector in American foreign policy. Despite the fact that, de jure, the US military departments called in the documentation for the leading role of the European Union in ensuring global security and maintaining NATO's activities, de facto, Trump's rhetoric undermined the traditionally friendly attitude of Europeans towards the United States. Since the perception of "attractiveness" is a key element of "soft-power" influence, the results of this study give grounds for the following conclusions. In the period from 2016 to 2021, American influence on Europe was weakened not only by provocative statements and actions regarding NATO funding, contradictions on trade and economic agreements and problems with the Paris Climate Agreement, but also by the elaboration of the cultural and educational vector of foreign policy. Thus, by 2021, the United States had a weakened influence on the French Republic, which allowed the French side to strengthen its influence on American students and strengthen its own position in the American intellectual and managerial environment. The novelty of the study: US foreign policy is studied from the position of soft-power influence on France in the context of intra-bloc interaction in NATO.

Keywords: USA, ES, France, Donald Trump, State Department, education, foreign policy, culture, soft power, students

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25328

Abstract: This article examines cooperation of Russia and Ecuador in the technical and technological spheres. The author traced the history of interaction, covered the present state of affairs, and gave a forecast regarding further cooperation of the two countries. The article also explores cooperation in the energy, military, space, scientific and technological industries, since Ecuador relies on Russia as one of the key, strategically important partners in these areas. The relations between the two states are considered from the point of political and economic efficiency. The study applies a comparative method of analysis, content analysis and historical-genetic method. The sources are mainly official documentation and information from media outlets. The novelty of the article is that it is the first complex attempt in the Russian-language literature to consider the relations between the two countries in these spheres. The main conclusion of the article is that in recent years (during the presidential term of R.Correa) the partnership between Russia and Ecuador has increased markedly and reached a new quality level.

Keywords: politics , trade , Russia , Ecuador , Rafael Correa, strategy, partnership, technique, technology, economy

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2019.2.29753

Abstract: This article analyzes the role of the People’s Republic of China in BRICS, potential consequences of China’s leadership in the group, political and economic aspects of activity, prospects of joint development of the project “One Belt, One Road”, as well as the results of China’s presidency in BRICS in 2017. Attention is given to current role of China in the world and the present state of BRICS. The author also underlines China’s positive impact on BRICS, which led to the creation of BRICS-plus – an impactful platform for cooperation; although the prospects of joint development of BRICS and “One Belt, One Road” do not have precise operating principle, are still relatively strong. The relevance of BRICS in the context of world political processes is substantiated by a fairly new idea of integration, as well as the claim for representation of interests of the global South, new consensus model of cooperation between countries on the world stage. The conclusion is made on the ambiguous role of PRC, risk of erosion of BRICS, or turning of the association into a foreign policy instrument of the Peoples’ Republic of China.

Keywords: Principles, External policy, BRICS Plus, Domination, Strategy, Leadership, BRICS, China, Institutionalization, Tendance

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2022.4.38984

Abstract: The article examines the current aspects of military-political relations between Russia and Turkey in the light of the events related to the protests and riots in Kazakhstan in January 2022. Building constructive relations with the Central Asian states, primarily Kazakhstan, is a significant vector of the foreign policy line of modern Turkey in the last decade (2012-2022). To implement this vector of its foreign policy, Turkey is working in various areas of interstate cooperation from trade and economic to military-political cooperation. The political crisis in Kazakhstan in January 2022 became a test for the multi-vector foreign policy of the state, due to the weak reaction of Turkey to these events. Russia, was able to respond promptly to the events in Kazakhstan by providing military and political support to President K.Zh. Tokayev. The study identifies Turkey's current interests in the Central Asian region and examines their compatibility with the aspirations of the post-Soviet states of Central Asia. It examines common interests, as well as differences in views between key players in the region. While Kazakhstan and Turkey have found a common language in trade, cultural exchange and arms trade, they have somewhat contradictory positions on political Islam and state sovereignty. Despite the growing influence of Turkey in the Central Asian region in economic and political relations, Russia is neutral about the strengthening of Turkey's position, taking into account the preservation of the dominant Russian presence in the structure of economic and political life of Kazakhstan.

Keywords: Turkey, Central Asia, Foreign Affairs, Kazakhstan, CSTO, Conflicts, Influence, Diplomacy, Military-technical cooperation, Russia

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.2.26340

Abstract: The author of the article analyzes the importance of African States for China in implementation of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. The initiative to recreate the Great Silk Road is an ambitious project that can increase the influence of China on the ongoing international processes. Africa is an integral part of the initiative proposed by the Chinese side. The object of the study is the "One Belt, One Road" initiative as a means of strengthening a partnership between China and the States of Africa. Subject: the main stages of the development of China-Africa cooperation; promising areas of cooperation, the main objectives of interaction; the factors that hamper dialogue on the said initiative. The methodological basis of the study is a principle of historicism which made it possible to study the importance of revival of the Great Silk Road for China. Bearing in mind that the subject of the study is a modern stage, the author used a problem-historical analysis. The author believes that the relevance of the topic is associated with an increasing influence of the People's Republic of China on international relations, more active participation in the current agenda. As for Africa, the continent has the largest number of developing countries, most of the States are developing a strategic partnership with China. The novelty of the study is to consider new opportunities for China to strengthen its positions in oil-producing countries in Africa due to the gradual withdrawal of the US from the energy sector in Africa. According to the author, the above-mentioned facts require a more detailed study. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that China will continue to invest in African countries because of the mutual interest in implementation of the initiative.

Keywords: public diplomacy, unhindered trade, financial integration, political coordination, China strategy, China, Africa, One belt, one road, Sea Silk Road, mutually beneficial cooperation

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.4.27700

Abstract: This article examines the effectiveness of economic sanctions that are being applied today by states and their associations to realize a wide range of objectives. The authors, expanding the boundaries of the functional purpose of sanctions, propose the concept of differentiating goals, which, in their opinion, simplifies the assessment of the political effectiveness of this instrument of international influence. The authors distinguish between real and declared objectives of sanctions, substantiate the role of sanctions as a means of solving their own internal political tasks and communication tools within the international system, anticipating their results with a brief overview and characterization of stages in the studies of the effectiveness of sanctions. Solving the tasks, the authors turn to the content analysis of specialized scientific literature on relevant topics, classification method, highlighting historical periods and functional properties of economic sanctions, as well as to study specific situations that support the assumptions. The authors come to the conclusion that with the help of sanctions, states can pursue not only the goal to change the behavior of another state against which they are actually directed, but also other goals, often hidden behind official statements. Such goals may include elimination of domestic political problems and the transfer of signals to other participants of the international system, acting in a particular sanction case by a third party. They emphasize that the sanctions can serve the purposes connected both directly with the sanction and with the actual authorizing state, as well as with the goals concerning the international system as a whole, thereby marking new directions for research in the context of modern political science.

Keywords: domestic politics dimension of sanctions, sanction goals, international system, political efficacy of sanctions, economic sanctions, foreign policy tools, world politics, international influence, international communications, differentiation of sanction goals

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.2.12589

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.2.66172

Abstract: Western Europe is phasing the outcomes of the development of two different trajectories. On one side, the immigrant presence from the former colonies, growing since the 1960’s, has turned Western Europe into a multicultural and, by extension, multi-faith mosaic. On the other, the permanent decline of religious performance has brought up a wider consensus concerning the privatization of religion as well as its status of invisibility in the public sphere. These two trajectories can be perceived as oppositional if one bears in mind the significant numbers of non- white immigrants residing in Western European states and the paramount importance most of them place on religion for identification, organization and political representation. Several prominent academics refer to the emergence of the aforementioned phenomenon as a ‘crisis of secularism’. However, I would like to argue that such clear-cut judgments present several problems. To begin with, ‘secularism’ is a complex term with multiple meanings. Western Europe currently sports two forms of secularism; the radical model of French laicité and the moderate form followed by the rest of the states. Within the latter framework, several kinds of state-religion connections have been developed throughout the years. Even in the radical French model some state-religion connections exist, although they are concealed under cultural terms. As becomes apparent, if we take absolute state-religious separation as a crude definition of secularism, it turns out that ‘a crisis’ occurred well before the advent of multicultural presence. Indeed, this essay will attempt to clarify that although multiculturalism supports and promotes the recognition of minority religious identities, the statement that it puts secularism under crisis is a bit exaggerated, if not purposefully misleading. Multiculturalism does not opt for a complete disestablishment of secularism. On the contrary, multiculturalism supports moderate secularism as it is believed that the various types of religion-state connections within it can be extended so as to accommodate minority religions, as well. All in all, multiculturalism strives for a rethinking of secularism, a renegotiation of the term, for it to become less restrictive for minorities that feel marginalized because of their religious identity.

Keywords: the international relations, the international safety, political conflicts, conflicts management technologies, multikulturalism, geopolitics, information war, politica, interests, UN.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.2.14153

Abstract: The current economic crisis of the Eurozone has become one of the strongest challenges for the EU: it has put a question mark over further existence of the Union and splitted the European countries into two inconsolable groups of Euro optimists and Euro pessimists. The article discusses the role of Germany in strengthening the position of the EU as a key political player in the world arena, provides analysis of the two projects initiated in Germany in support of the European project, evaluates the effectiveness of implementation of the image projects in the EU in order to restore the reputation of the European Union during the current economic and existential crisis. In the article the method of system analysis has been applied for the purpose of accomplishing a complex study of the image campaigns implemented in Germany to support the EU. The study has the interdisciplinary character as it covers such scientific fields as international relations, imageology and marketing communications. The novelty of the research consists in deeper understanding of the following aspects: identification of the role of Germany in strengthening the position of the EU as a key political player on the world stage, the results of the system analysis of the anti-crisis image campaigns implemented by the Federal Republic of Germany, estimation of the effectiveness of the image campaigns "I want Europe" and "We are Europe“, estimation of the prospects of carrying out image projects in the EU in order to restore its image and reputation damaged during the current political and economical crisis.

Keywords: the European Union, crisis of Eurozone, economic crisis, image of states, image campaign, image of EU, Germany, FRG, I want Europe, We are Europe

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.2.66173

Abstract: The modern economic crisis of the Eurozone has become one of the hardest challenges for the EU, threatening the EU existence and dividing the European countries into Euro-optimists and Euro-pessimists. The article considers the Germany’s role in the EU’s positions of a key actor on the international arena strengthening, analyzes two projects initiated in Germany in order to support the United Europe project, and evaluates the perspectives of image projects in the EU member-states aimed at restoration of the EU reputation in crisis conditions. The author uses the system analysis of image campaigns, realized in Germany for the support of the EU. The author uses interdisciplinary approach to the study of the problem (international relations, imageology, and marketing communications). The originality of the research is based on interpretation of the following aspects: the evaluation of Germany’s role in the strengthening of the EU’s positions as a key actor on the international arena; the system analysis of anti-crisis image campaigns realized in Germany; the evaluation of efficiency of the campaigns “I Want Europe”, “Europe is Us”; the evaluation of the perspectives of image projects in the EU member-states, aimed at the restoration of the EU reputation in the crisis conditions.

Keywords: the European Union, the Eurozone crisis, economic crisis, state image, image campaign, the EU image, Germany, the FRG, I Want Europe, Europe is Us.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.2.11643

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.2.64937

Abstract: The article is devoted to the analysis of the events taking place in the Central African Republic (CAR), within the context of the general processes of destabilization of the political situation in the former French Africa. The CAR is going through a deep constitutional crisis, which is followed by the insurrections, civil war and armed interference of the foreign military contingents – the military forces of the French Republic, since its military presence is traditionally responsible for peace-keeping and support of political stability in its former colonies. The article provides a detailed analysis of the causes and evolution of the Central African crisis, obviously demonstrating the fact that currently the insurrections in many former French Africa states, which were previously regarded as sustainably peaceful, such as Mali and the CAR, have common causes and bases, which were formed throughout a long period of time, partially due to the miscalculations of the great nation states, such as France, in this region. The comparative study involves the methodology of the systemic, structural functional, comparative historical analysis, which are especially topical in the conditions of the African Continent. The novelty of the results of the studies is due to the topicality and lack of sufficient studies of the crisis, including the development of the discussion regarding the nature of the modern “failed states”. Within the broader framework the war in the CAR is a unfolding re-colonization of Africa, the fight between “old” and “new” actors in the political process for the African resources. In this respect the events in the Central Africa have the dangerous potential of political destabilization for the entire continent.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Africa, the Central African Republic, France, insurrection, conflict, interests, security, the UN.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.2.11169

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.2.64938

Abstract: The article concerns specific features of the Austrian federalism regarding the correlation of the competences of the federal lands and the center within the framework of legislative, executive and judicial branches of power, as well as the means for the conflict regulation within such a federal system. The conflicts between the central government and the lands in Austria are resolved by transformation of political conflicts into legal ones and their resolution within the legal procedure. The authors also attempt to follow the evolution of the constitutional reforms in the sphere of federal construction. The methodological basis includes historical method, comparative analysis as well as quantitative contentanalysis of both Russian and foreign documents. The results of this analysis allow to have an idea of the principles of the Austrian state structure Presence of a number of a compromise features in the Austrian Constitution allows the researches to characterize it as a centralized federal state. Currently, there are ongoing discussions regarding the need for the federal reforms in Austria.

Keywords: international relations, politics, Austria, federalism, centralization, federal relations, constitution, parliament, state, law.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.3.18982

Abstract: The author aims at defining the role of social networks and network services in political processes in the context of contemporary global policy. The research object is the Internet, the research subject is social networks and their influence on the international policy. The involvement of new information and communication technologies both in everyday life and the international practice leads to the fact that the role of new global policy actors increases, they compete with states. Social network services have a unique ability to gain and spread information, which is the key factor of power. The research methodology is based on the system, structure-functional, comparative-political approaches, comparative analysis, observation, induction and deduction. The author attempts at answering the question – are there any reasons to consider social networks, in the person of their owning companies and users, as independent actors of contemporary global policy? The author analyzes the key scholars’ positions on this issue. The author applies the term, introduced by J. Nye, - cyberactors. The author concludes that, despite the fact that cyber actors are able to disturb state power and force monopoly in the context of global policy, due to the existing limitations and conditions, social networks and services can’t be considered as constant actors.

Keywords: cyberactors, actors, diplomacy on-line, global policy, information, social networks, Internet, users, Internet campaigns, soft power

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.3.68168

Keywords: cyberactors, actors, diplomacy on-line, global policy, information, social networks, Internet, users, Internet campaigns, soft power

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.10212

Abstract: The article analyzes the key image campaigns realized by Great Britain for the last 15 years with the aim to optimize the existing public image of the country as a “conservative and stiff” state and to increase the competitiveness of the country in the economic, cultural and political sense. In his famous work “The English People” George Orwell wrote that in the world of politics and force in the conditions of a permanent struggle for domination between the world powers (i.e. block confrontation between the USA and the USSR) England would have no resources for leadership. Therefore, the country’s role would come to the position of a satellite of one of the world super-powers. In this status Great Britain wouldn’t be able to influence the world developments. After the Second World War the role of Great Britain changed: the country became a secondary actor letting the USA become the global center. Even after the dissolution of the bipolar system in the late 20th century it is hard to call Britain a center of the world policy, let alone a hegemon.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Great Britain, public image of the country, Cool Britannia, image narratives, reputation assets, nation, values, security

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.66643

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Great Britain, public image of the country, Cool Britannia, image narratives, reputation assets, nation, values, security

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.11694

Abstract: For several centuries the countries of Latin America have been led by charismatic leaders able to relatively easily influence on the audience not only in their countries but also in other states, using the linguistic and political manipulations. In the early 21st century within the policy of strategic communication the leaders of the ALBA countries use a range of similar methods when influencing the international audience for the conduction of an independent internal or foreign policy based on the principles of a new multipolar world formation, substituting the age of a monopolar world. Today, owing to the development of such a branch of political science as imageology, oratory with its speech manipulations is also an important criterion for a political leader who wants to be a successful politician from the viewpoints of audience in his country and abroad.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, ALBA, linguistic imageology, political manipulation, diplomacy, state, interests, audience, security

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.66644

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, ALBA, linguistic imageology, political manipulation, diplomacy, state, interests, audience, security

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.14641

Abstract: The aim of the article is to understand the main peculiarity of the foreign policy of modern China, the diplomatic strategies which have been changed by its leadership depending on the political situation in the country or abroad. The author attempts to combine several aspects characterizing Chinese foreign policy: the brief history of the state identity development – a solely Western discourse which is poorly reflected in Chinese studies but important for understanding of China itself and its foreign policy; and the change of diplomatic strategies - a foreign policy practice connected with Chinese logic and philosophy. The author adduces the characteristics of each period of Chinese foreign policy typical for the Chinese authors. The article contains a thorough analysis of Chinese resources; it is characterized by a careful bibliographic analysis, attention to the history of the Chinese political thought, the comparative approach to the understanding of interrelations between China and the rest of the world. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the author attempts to conceptualize Chinese foreign policy (1949 – 2015) from the perspectives which haven’t yet been studied thoroughly enough: strategies, identity, globality. Without paying attention to these components it is hard to understand the logic of Chinese foreign policy and actions on the international scene. The analysis of genesis of identity, strategies and position of China in relation to the international system (inclusiveness/exclusiveness) will help to understand the current and, probably, the future foreign policy of China.

Keywords: foreign policy of China, global values, global power, revisionist power, “a battle line”, partnership diplomacy, “leaning to one side”, diplomatic strategies, strategy, identity of China, foreign policy of China, global values, global power, revisionist power, “a battle line”, partnership diplomacy, “leaning to one side”, diplomatic strategies, strategy, identity of China, foreign policy of China, global values, global power, revisionist power, “a battle line”, partnership diplomacy, “leaning to one side”, diplomatic strategies, strategy, identity of China, foreign policy of China, identity of China, strategy, diplomatic strategies, “leaning to one side”, partnership diplomacy, “a battle line”, revisionist power, global power, global values

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.4.21357

Abstract: The research object is the aggravation of Turkish-Kurdish relations during the snap parliamentary election in November 2015 and the Turkish military intervention in Syria in 2016 in the context of the establishment of the Kurdish autonomy in Syria. Taking into consideration the importance of this problem, the author analyzes the events, which acted as an indirect catalyst of the escalation of the interethnic conflict in the country and the activation of combatants from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), supported by the legal pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democracy Party of Turkey, advocating for the autonomy of Kurdish regions of Turkey and the extension of rights and liberties of national minorities. The research is based on the analysis of the key events of the mentioned period on the base of the data, acquired from the Turkish, Russian and international mass media. The article reveals the patterns of domestic policy processes in Turkey and their manifestation in Turkey’s participation in the Syrian crisis. The author analyzes the present state of the Kurdish question, its intensification in the context of the Syrian crisis, Turkey’s interests in the region and the role of the Kurdish political elites in the country’s domestic politics.

Keywords: Selahattin Demirtas, the Syrian Kurds, war in Syria, separatism, Kurdish parties, Kurdistan Workers' Party, Kurds, Turkey, Ocalan, conflict

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.66645

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2016.4.68318

Keywords: Turkey, Kurds, kurdish parties, separatism, war in Syria, kurds of Syria, Demirtash, Ocalan, conflict

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.15773

Abstract: The subject of the research is the dumping potential of oil prices in the global political process. Oil as a strategic product has been frequently used as a political weapon and the instrument of pressure in the international relations. The political factor of energy crises has been changing depending on the current condition of the world policy. In this situation the manipulation of oil prices is a rather effective way of achievement of the necessary geopolitical aims. The methodology of the research is based on the systems method, the historical, sociological and comparative methods, the method of situation analysis, and the general scientific methods of generalization, induction and deduction. The author concludes that geopolitical interests of the main participants of the oil prices conflict of 2014 predetermine the political agreements between the leaders of oil production aimed at the destabilization of oil market. The aspiration of Europe for the decrease of its dependence on Russian energy resources and the desire of the USA for the preservation of its world leadership led to a double damage for Russian oil-producing industry and economy. The current crisis will transform the obsolete political system, and will lead to serious changes in the world order, new agreements and a new balance of power on the international scene. Sanctions against Russia may be long-term, but the country has all the chances to overcome the consequences of the crisis with the support of the government policy adequate to the challenges.

Keywords: changes in the world order, policy of import substitution, anti-Russian sanctions, cooperation, geopolitics, dumping of oil prices, oil crisis, foreign policy, international relations, collective security system

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.3.66646

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2013.3.62916

Abstract: The elections in the USA follow their own rules, which are quite different from our understanding of the election process. This system allows preventing independent candidates to large elections, or the candidate having less voices than his opponents may still get to the White House. According to the analysis of the European and Russian mass media, the results of the elections would have no influence upon the foreign policy of the USA in the sphere of its positions in the Middle East and the EU, which having the centrist position, is looking for allies among the Latin American states and in Russia.

Keywords: political science, politics, elections, the USA, President, election technologies, Democrats, Republicans, Obama, Romney.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.3.10649

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.3.64967

Abstract: The current public debt crisis in the (European Union) EU began in Greece in November 2009, quickly spreading to Ireland (September 2010), Portugal (January 2012), Spain (June 2012), Italy (November 2012) and most recently, Cyprus (March 2013). This crisis has not only impacted on the Europe but also on the entire global economy, including that of Vietnam. This article will analyze the causes of this crisis, its impacts on the economy of Vietnam and lessons for Vietnam to avoid a potential public debt crisis and guarantee sustainable development. Public debt is a relatively complex concept that most current approaches agree to refer to the sum of debt whose obligation to repay falls on the government of a country . According to the World Bank (WB)’s approach, public debt is understood as the liability of four main groups of institutions: (i) Central government liability, (ii) Local government liability, (iii) Central banking institution liability, and (iv) Liabilities of independent organizations, state-owned enterprises of whose capital the state owns more than 50%, or other organizations whose debt the government has the responsibility to settle should they fails to do this. This definition is similar to that of the Debt Management and Financial Analysis System (DMFAS) of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)

Keywords: international relations, Vietnam, the European Union, crisis, finances, global economy, state, politics, interests, conflict.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.16963

Abstract: This article is devoted to the study of the current practice of implementation of the principle of self-determination and the right of peoples to self-determination in the precedents of Kosovo and Crimea. The object of the study includes the Crimean and the Kosovo precedents. The subject of the research is the form and the methods of implementation of the principle of self-determination in the independence of Kosovo and in joining of Crimea into the territory of the Russian Federation. The methodological base of the research includes the systems approach, the structural-functional and comparative approaches, the methods of induction, deduction, observation, analysis, synthesis, simulation.The author draws attention to the fact that the considered political and legal problem of application of the right of nations to self-determination and the principle of self-determination is now especially important due to the events of 2014 in Ukraine, which led to the separation of Crimea and its subsequent accession into the Russian Federation. The author concludes that, in terms of the actual circumstances, the Crimean population certainly possessed the right to self-determination, and the implementation of this principle followed the international standards, precedents and procedures.The existing analogy with the separation of Kosovo can also be considered reasonable.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.67182

Keywords: diplomacy, socio-political processes, U.S. foreign policy, world politics, Russia, geopolitics, interests, state, security, USA

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.17026

Abstract: This article examines the relations between Iran and Central Asian states and the existing possibilities to extend their cooperation. Strong and close relations between Iran and Central Asian countries have improved national security and economic development of the parties. Nevertheless, Iran's relations with these countries have not reached an acceptable level. Certainly, in the past two decades, the United States have been the most important factor determining the relations between the parties. The article considers the high potential for bilateral and multilateral cooperation between the parties in such important areas as development of transport system and exchange of goods, oil and gas transportation and the struggle against terrorism and separatism. The methodological basis of research contains the comparative and political approaches offering a new perspective of «Regional Integration» in Central Asia. The author concludes that the nuclear deal between Iran and the great powers, the lifting of sanctions and the reduction of America's political and economic pressures on Iran will lead to the favorable and mutually benefitial cooperation between Iran and Central Asian countries. The results of this collaboration can be the creation of an economic and trade alliance in the region.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.67183

Keywords: Terrorism, the Middle East, Sanction, Nuclear deal, Russia, USA, Central Asia, Iran, Economic cooperation, Transit of goods

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.17076

Abstract: Russian-Chinese relations are going through a new stage. Both countries managed to solve the border problems, which had been a source of disagreement for many years. The high level political dialogue is very intensive. China is the largest trading partner of Russia. The contract on Russia's natural gas supplies to China, signed in 2014, is being implemented. China has pledged to finance the construction of Russia's first high speed main line Moscow - Kazan. Annual joint naval anti-terrorist exercises take place. Humanitarian ties are developing rapidly. Both countries stand for the preservation of the principles of international law and the status of the UN. Russia and China are not satisfied with the world dominated by one power without taking into account their interests. The proximity of their positions is confirmed by the events in Libya and Syria. There are some difficulties in bilateral relations. However, in general, as it is claimed in the Joint Statement of May 20, 2014, these relations have come to the stage of "comprehensive strategic partnership and strategic cooperation." China and Russia have vast common interests, they have no contradictions on major international issues, and the prospect of their cooperation is favorable. The methodological basis of the research includes the systems approach, the structural and functional and comparative-political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and observation.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.67184

Keywords: diplomacy, international relations, global instability, world politics, Russia, geopolitics, interests, China, security, color revolutions

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.17127

Abstract: Using the method of historical reconstruction, E. Khabenskaya analyzes the changes in the relations changes between two neighboring West African countries in connection with the new Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade coming to power. Diplomatic talents allowed the new leader to change radically the vector of these relationships in favor of Senegal. The changes in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau internal and foreign policy in the 2000s., as well as the dynamics of the Casamance conflict in this period, compose the object of the study. This Senegal's southern region, geographically, culturally and historically linked to Guinea-Bissau, for decades has been the main factor in the relations between two countries. Factors of the formation and the subsequent collapse of the Senegal–Guinea-Bissau political alliance is the subject of the research. The author concludes that the strongest economic crisis and political isolation of Guinea-Bissau contributed to Wade's success in the establishment of Senegal's influence in Bissau in the first half of the 2000s. The methodolody of the research includes the systems approach, the structural-functional and comparative-political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and observation. By 2009, Senegal had lost its influence in Bissau after another government change in this country, which led to Guinea-Bissau's foreign relations diversification and its gradual reorientation to Angola. At present, the relations betwen these two countries are in crisis again. However, the unsolved problem of the Casamance will continue to force both leaders to seek the ways to overcome the contradictions.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.67185

Keywords: rebels, MFDC, West Africa, diplomacy, alliance, , Casamance, Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, , separatism, military coup

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.17158

Abstract: The author focuses on the process of the Abkhazian statehood formation and the possibility of full international legal personality obtaining. The frequently used slogans, such as: “struggle for freedom” and “struggle for independence”, have been and still are of a great importance in the attempts to form their own statehood by various ethnic groups in many parts of the modern world. In some cases it is the restoration of the previously existed sovereignty; in other cases it is a qualitative transformation of an ethno-territorial unit due to the emerging socio-political and cultural causes. The paper studies the dynamics of political processes in the Republic of Abkhazia with their elements including historical, political and ethnic factors. Such a dynamics is considered in the context of the Georgian-Abkhazian ethno-political conflict and the impact of the abovementioned factors on the formation of the Abkhazian statehood in the current conditions. The subject of the research is the Abkhazia’s sovereignty. The methodological base includes the systems approach, the comparative-political approach, content-analysis, the historical method, etc. The article analyzes the practical aspects of the problems of Abkhazian sovereignization; among the main problems is the collision of the principles of international law in the context of the existing level of confrontation with Georgia. The novelty of the research lies in the study of a not sufficiently developed analysis and assessment of the possibility of realization of the right of self-determination by Abkhazia; this possibility consists in the qualitative transformation of the process of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict management and the transformation of the geopolitical structure of the Transcaucasian region.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.67186

Keywords: right of self-determination, principle of territorial integrity, legal personality, sovereignty, Georgian-Abkhazian conflict, recognition, Abkhazian statehood, Georgia, Abkhazia, international law

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.17162

Abstract: The paper presents an approach to the analysis of the dynamics of political institutions in Russia through the prism of the impact of demonstration effects. The object of the research is political process in non-Western societies. The subject of the research is the development of political institutions in Russia. On the base of the approaches, prevailing in the domestic and foreign political science, the author examines the possibility of political change in the comparative perspective. The purpose is to reveal the characteristics of the impact of demonstration effects. The author outlines the basic problems of the improvement of the institutional design of political systems in the context of global communication and dissemination of ideas about the contemporary experience of the organization and functioning of public authority. The methodology of the study is based on the systems approach, the structural-functional and comparative-political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and observation.The author points at the need for a serious study of the possibilities and limitations of the universalist approach to "democracy promotion." Taking into account the experience of the contemporary "post-conflict regulation" in a number of countries in the world, the author concludes about the need for a balanced assessment of the native experience of political institutions, the provision of the sustainable statehood and political responsibility of the authority.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.67187

Keywords: interests, geopolitics, global information space, world politics, U.S. foreign policy, international relations, diplomacy, state, security, USA

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2013.4.9721

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2013.4.63333

Abstract: In spring of 2011, the political regime of Burkina-Faso was shaken by great social and political cataclysms. However, in spite of the fact that almost all of the classes of Burkina-Faso community were part of opposition, the government remained. Blaise Compaoré, who has been ruling the state for quarter of a century by now, managed to keep the presidential position. He came to power through treachery and denial of his youth ideals, he tortured his former colleagues, spilled blood of his friend … In order to understand the reasons for the riots of spring of 2011 and stability of the regime of B. Compaore, one needs to look at half a century of history of independency of this African state. After the 2nd World War the French colonial empire was deformed and it gradually dissolved. Trying to keep their position in the Western Africa, the French agreed to modernize the statuses of their African colonies Within the framework of this process in 1947 the Upper Volta was transformed into the oversea territory of France, and called the French Upper Volta. This status remained till December 11, 1985, when the autonomous Upper Volta Republic within the French Community was formed as a result of a referendum. In 1958 the Upper Volta expressed the wish to join the Mali Federation (Fédération du Mali), however, under the pressure from the President of the Ivory Coast (Cote’d’Ivoire), it refused to join the Federation.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Burkina-Faso, France, conflicts, diplomacy, interests, values, security.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.17196

Abstract: The article is devoted to the consideration of federalism as a form of ethno-political conflict management in modern Belgium. Recently separatist movements have intensified in many national states, including some EU member-states. It is known that Brussels is not only the capital of Belgium, but also the political centre of the European Union. At the same time, the increase of ethnic and separatist movements in Western Europe, as independence referendums in Scotland, Catalonia and Northern Ireland, can lead to the increase of ethno-political conflicts in some regions of Belgium. Therefore, the prevention of conflicts in Belgium is very important for the stability in the European Union. The methodology of the research is based on the systems approach, structural-functional and comparative-political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and observation. The author pays attention to the fact that at present it is very important to consider the Belgian experience of ethno-political conflicts management on the base of the federalist model which had been adopted in the country in the late 20th century. This experience is important for modern Western European countries, since they are potentially prone to ethno-political conflicts. The article analyzes Belgium’s federal system in the context of ethno-political conflicts management.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2015.4.67188

Keywords: interests, geopolitics, Russia, world politics, U.S. foreign policy, international relations, diplomacy, state, security, color revolutions

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.4.12187

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.4.65631

Abstract: The article presents the analysis of the contents, specifics and causes for the punitive operation in Donbass, its participants and the means and methods of performing it, the essence of the “scorched earth” tactics implemented during this operation by the governmental authorities against the population of Donbass. The article makes an analogy with the occupation of Donbass during the Great Patriotic War. The authors identify the reasons why the USA are supporting the governmental authorities in the Ukraine which are carrying out the punitive operation, the role and position in this conflict of mercenary soldiers and private military companies. In this research, the authors used the systematic, structural and functional, comparative historical and comparative political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, unity and struggle of opposites, participant observation, modeling, expert review. 70 years after the victory over fascism, war returned to Donbass again. The war returned with virtually the same declared “civilizing European values” and, obviously, with the new successors of the leaders of the Nazi Germany convicted by Nurnberg tribunal – extreme right Ukrainian nationalists calling themselves the followers of Bendera and Shushkevich. Towards anybody who disagrees, they act using the same methods as the Nazis and their henchmen did during World War II.

Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, Ukraine, Donbass, punitive operation, violation of human rights, private military companies, humanitarian crisis, illegal armed groups, conflict.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.4.12213

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2014.4.65632

Abstract: This article reviews the main existing theoretical models of communication and information policy, compares different approaches to defining the elements of the communication chain. It analysis the transformation of the concept of subject-object relationship in the communication processes. One of the distinctive characteristics of the modern society is its high information saturation. It does not matter whether you accept the concept of information society in general or not, the technological leap in the information and communication sphere, which significantly transformed the structure of social relations, must be admitted as fact. The information explosion affected virtually every sphere of human activities and resulted in considerable changes to the form and principles of communication processes: we observe intensification of interaction between subjects, constant growth of the information processing and communication speed, increased number of channels for its dissemination. Methodologically, this research is based on the systematic, structural and functional, comparative historical, comparative political, geopolitical and cultural civilization approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, modeling, observation. The development and polarization of new media, which offer to members of the society new methods of interaction, are posing to social institutions, governmental agencies and commercial entities, again and again, the question of effective models for managing information and communication processing and make the communications policy one of the priority directions in research. The important task here is to understand which of the existing models of information and communications policy can successfully respond to the structural changes in the social environment and identify in which direction to move when developing new algorithms for interaction with the audience.